VZCZCXYZ0000
RR RUEHWEB

DE RUEHNT #0091/01 0541120
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
R 231120Z FEB 10
FM AMEMBASSY TASHKENT
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 1909
INFO RUEHNT/AMEMBASSY TASHKENT

C O N F I D E N T I A L TASHKENT 000091 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 2020/02/23 
TAGS: PREL PGOV KDEM UZ
SUBJECT: UZBEKISTAN: PRESIDENT KARIMOV APPOINTS SENATORS WITH AN EYE 
TO THE FUTURE -- INCLUDING, PERHAPS, HIS OWN 
 
REF: 10 TASHKENT 43; 10 TASHKENT 47 
 
CLASSIFIED BY: Katrisa Peffley, Pol/Econ Officer, DOS, Pol/Econ; 
REASON: 1.4(B), (D) 
 
¶1.       (C)  SUMMARY:  During the last weeks of January, the 100 
Senators of Uzbekistan's parliament, the Oliy Majlis, were 
chosen-sixteen appointed by President Karimov, and the remaining 84 
selected by the regional councils from their own ranks.  The Senate 
is intended to be Uzbekistan's "chamber of experience," made up of 
respected citizens who have performed "special service" for their 
country.  President Karimov made a notable speech to a joint 
session of parliament on January 26, in which he envisioned a more 
active parliament (and a stronger judiciary) that would balance the 
executive branch.  Some observers see this as part of an "exit 
strategy" allowing Karimov to begin to make way for a successor. 
END SUMMARY. 
 
A COUNCIL OF "WHITE BEARDS" - THE SENATE IN UZBEKISTAN 
 
¶2.       (SBU)  The Uzbek Senate is meant to be a council of "white 
beards"-an Uzbek expression signifying society's most experienced 
and respected elders.  (Of course, some women are now considered to 
be "white beards.")  In theory, Senators-and particularly those 
appointed by the President-are those experienced Uzbek patriots who 
are recognized for their "special service" to their country.  They 
are intended to represent a broad spectrum of the country's most 
respected citizens, from intellectuals to business leaders.  Of the 
100 Senators in the Oliy Majlis, sixteen are appointed by the 
President.  The remaining 84 Senators are elected by the members of 
regional councils, from their ranks.  Usually the most important 
members of the regional councils are selected to serve in the 
Senate-for example, the governors of each province are also chosen 
to serve as Senators.  Given that regional governors are appointed 
by the President and are virtually guaranteed Senate seats, the 
President exercises de facto control over 28 Senate seats. 
Senators serve five year terms, and Senatorial appointments are 
made in conjunction with the popular election of the Lower House of 
Parliament. 
 
SENATE JOB SECURITY-OR LACK THEREOF 
 
¶3.       (SBU)  Only four senators were reappointed by the 
President.  All of the returnees are very influential citizens of 
Uzbekistan.  Senator Mirabror Usmanov is the president of the 
national soccer federation and has major commercial interests, but 
is considered to be a "full time" Senator.  (Note:  Unlike Members 
of Parliament, who are expected to give up any other work when they 
are elected to Parliament, Senators are technically allowed to keep 
their "day jobs.")  Senator Erkin Bakibaev is the Chairman of the 
of the War Veterans' Fund, an important position considering the 
nation's traditional reverence for age and experience.  Senator 
Mir-Akbar Rakhmankulov is the First Deputy Secretary of the 
National Security Council, and consequently exercises a great deal 
of influence in national security matters.  Senator Sadik 
Safayev-who was rumored to have fallen out of favor with President 
Karimov and whose Senate seat was reportedly at risk-is a foreign 
policy expert, former Ambassador to the United States and Foreign 
Minister, and the Chairman of the Senate's Foreign Policy 
Committee.  Most of these men are considered to be reliable 
supporters of the President; however, some local observers have 
suggested that perhaps Senator Safayev kept his seat because the 
President wants to keep a close eye on him. 
 
¶4.       (SBU)  As for the twelve former Senators who were not 
reappointed, many of them fell from grace for specific and obvious 
reasons.  Several scandals of one kind or another plagued the 
Presidential appointees of the previous term.  One was a known 
alcoholic, one was accused of embezzlement, another has a 
son-in-law who was sent to prison (allegedly for threatening the 
interests of Karimov's oldest daughter, Gulnara Karimova), and two 
have fled the country.  The twelve new appointees include the 
Director of Uzbek Airways, a judge from Uzbekistan's Constitutional 
Court, a handful of bureaucrats, and several academicians, 
including the rector of the National University of Uzbekistan and 
the president of the Uzbek Academy of Science.  They are perceived 
(at least for the time being) as being less corrupt than the last 
bunch-for example, two of the new Senators are directors of major 
mining interests, and both are regarded as successful, trustworthy 
managers.  (Note: Disgraced former Senator Kuchersky, who fled to 
Moscow, used to be the Director General of the Navoi Mining 
Company.  His successor at Navoi Mining, Kuvandik Sanakulov, is 
also his successor in the Senate.)  New Senator Edvard Rtveladze, a 
well-known and popular archaeologist, is involved in some of 
Gulnara Karimova's pet projects.  And new Senator Svetlana 
Artikova, the press secretary of the General Prosecutor's Office, 
was specifically commended by Karimov during his speech to 
Parliament for "telling the world the truth" about the Andijan 
events of 2005. 
 
 
PRESIDENT KARIMOV LOOKING TO THE FUTURE? 
 
¶5.       (C) During his speech to a joint session of parliament on 
January 26, President Karimov made a number of strongly worded 
remarks that do not appear to match his past actions. (See reftel 
A.) Although some believe his words to be no more than hollow 
rhetoric, Karimov has shown himself to be a savvy politician over 
many years of maneuvering to stay on top of the Uzbek government. 
Therefore, while the sincerity of his words may be in doubt, he 
probably did not utter them without purpose.  A few aspects of 
Karimov's speech stood out to observers because of their apparent 
inconsistency with current GOU policy.  First of all, Karimov 
sternly criticized the Oliy Majlis for its "passivity" over the 
last five years, exhorting deputies and senators to take a more 
active role in proposing legislation and defending the interests of 
their constituents.  In doing so, he held up the U.S. Congress as 
the shining example of proper legislative action.  Since the Uzbek 
parliament is widely considered to be a virtually impotent body 
that exists only to rubber stamp the laws set forth by the 
president, such criticism seems a tad peculiar.  (Note:  Only 
candidates nominated by official-and pro-government-political 
parties were eligible to participate in the recent parliamentary 
elections.)  The president also criticized Uzbekistan's media for 
being "toothless" and ineffective, despite the fact that the GOU 
directly controls most Uzbek media outlets and has reined in the 
independent media as much as possible.  (See reftel B.) 
 
¶6.       (C)  Article 97 of the Uzbek constitution stipulates that 
any former president of the republic is guaranteed a Senate seat 
for life.  One theory is that Karimov is trying to strengthen the 
role of Uzbekistan's parliament as part of his "exit strategy" from 
the presidency.   Gulnara Karimova has always been very visible on 
Uzbekistan's political and cultural stage, and some local observers 
believe that she is the being groomed as the president's successor. 
If she (or any other hand-picked candidate) makes a bid for the 
presidential office with Karimov's blessing, then Karimov could 
take up a post in the Senate while maintaining some power and 
influence in the country.  It seems unlikely that President Karimov 
will voluntarily retire from Uzbek politics unless his health 
prevents him from further activity-and so far, we have not seen any 
clear sign that his health is failing. 
 
COMMENT 
 
¶7.       (C)  Comment:  Whether or not Karimov is planning for his 
succession, he does seem to be planning for his legacy.  His public 
rhetoric usually suggests that he wants to be remembered as the 
father of his country, a great president who presided over the 
foundation of strong institutions while keeping his country safe 
and stable.  His handlers seem to be cultivating this image more 
and more of late.  It also seems that he is not content merely to 
govern his little corner of the globe-he truly seems to crave 
international legitimacy.  Yet he has avoided building a cult of 
personality.  Many regional observers have commented on Karimov's 
apparent sense of rivalry with Kazakh President Nazarbayev, who 
enjoys greater respect on the world stage.  Karimov's desire for 
international legitimacy and tentative steps on human rights and 
related issues can be used to continue to draw Uzbekistan into 
greater cooperation with the international community.  End comment. 
NORLAND