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RUEHGI/AMEMBASSY BANGUI 1456

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 BANGUI 000029 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR AF/C 
USUN FOR DMUERS 
PARIS FOR RKANEDA 
LONDON FOR PLORD 
NAIROBI  FOR AKARAS 
AFRICOM FOR JKUGEL 
INR FOR JPEKKINEN 
DRL FOR SCRAMPTON 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM PINR CT
SUBJECT: BOZIZE PARRIES OPPOSITION THIS TIME, BUT ELECTORAL CALENDAR 
IS TIGHTENING 
 
REF: A. A 09 BANGUI 181 
     ¶B. REF: B 09 BANGUI 203 
     ¶C. REF: C 09 BANGUI 46 
 
¶1. (SBU) SUMMARY:  On Saturday, January 30, 2010, President 
Francois Bozize convoked the Central African political class and 
the Bangui diplomatic corps to discuss and resolve a contretemps 
over the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). He further took 
the opportunity to address, but not give clear answers to, the 
questions about the missing Central African politician and rebel 
leader, Charles Massi. The event was especially interesting as 
while it follows a format that Bozize has used before - airing 
an internal dispute before the international community - it is 
perhaps the first time that he has really been able to do 
political theatre with any success. Still, with each delay 
provoked by the opposition, critical time is lost for elections 
preparation - a fact that may lead to considerable controversy 
going forward. END SUMMARY 
 
¶2. (U) On January 13 a document from the Collective of Forces 
for Change - made up of the opposition umbrella organization 
National Union of Concerned Citizens (UFVN), several members of 
the non-aligned parties and one politico-military group - 
circulated Bangui. It denounced the IEC and its leader, Pastor 
Binguimale for partisanship, corruption, and various other ills. 
This group suspended its participation in the IEC and put forth 
the following complaints and demands: 
 
-- The allegation that Binguimale is partisan in favor of 
President Bozize and must resign as a ``non negotiable'' 
precondition for them to return to the IEC. 
 
-- Allegations of irregularities in the formation of local 
electoral committees, both in the CAR and abroad (specifically 
by the consulate in Douala, Cameroon) and that all the local 
committees must be dissolved. 
 
-- A demand for an audit of IEC funds and spending. (Rumor has 
it that there are serious irregularities; especially by the 
Chair.) 
 
-- A demand that the implementation of the 2008 Inclusive 
Political Dialogue's recommendation that a representative - 
meaning a presidential majority and opposition - committee be 
established to deal with future political questions. (Comment: 
This demand may signal the opposition's attempt to form what 
they hope will be the backbone of a transitional government if 
the elections of 2010 are not held in time [Ref A]. End 
Comment). 
 
¶3. (SBU) In a stroke of uncharacteristically deft political 
theatre, President Bozize convoked the entire IEC, his 
government, the opposition parties, the trade unions, and the 
diplomatic corps, to appear before him in a recorded and 
televised event broadcast from the Presidential palace.  (Note: 
During a February 1 meeting with Emboffs, the UN Secretary 
General's Special Representative revealed that she had counseled 
Bozize a few days before to address the opposition's criticisms. 
 End Note.)  Bozize launched the spectacle by having the 
Minister of Communication read the opposition's document aloud. 
He then called on various members of the IEC and the opposition 
to explain themselves; either to repeat their charges or to 
provide excuses/explanations for their performance. 
 
¶4. (SBU) Bozize has used this format before, most memorably to 
give the supreme constitutional court a face saving wire 
brushing when he was forced by the French to reinstall the court 
 
BANGUI 00000029  002 OF 003 
 
 
in late 2007. The great difference this time was the skill with 
which he kept everyone on the defensive while portraying himself 
as the father of the nation who was stepping in to put the 
electoral process back on track and prevent the ``Somalization'' 
of the CAR. He gave everyone a chance to speak, but firmly 
silenced heckling. 
 
¶5. (U) As the senior diplomat present in the French Ambassador's 
absence, President Bozize asked Ambassador Cook to speak for the 
international community. Noting that he could only speak for the 
United States, the Ambassador reaffirmed the basic U.S. message: 
 
-- The U.S. is not partisan in the electoral process; a process 
that must be run by the Central Africans themselves. 
 
-- All armed groups must put down their weapons and participate 
in the political process. 
 
-- The U.S. recognizes only one elected government and calls on 
that government to protect the human rights of its population 
and to encourage economic development. 
 
-- The U.S. calls on all Central African parties to make peace 
with each other and to make good use of the generous 
international assistance programs in the CAR. 
(These comments met with public applause and private 
congratulations, from members of the Diplomatic Corps as well as 
both the government and opposition.) 
 
Bozize then passed judgment: 
 
-- There would be an audit of the IEC's finances. 
 
-- The local electoral committees would be dissolved and new 
committees created. 
 
-- Complaints would be resolved by the Head of the National 
Council of Mediation (Mediator) and the International 
Organization of the Francophonie, but not any new organization. 
 
¶6. (SBU) This was a skillful bit of give and take. It allowed 
Bozize to take the high road, stressing the independence of the 
IEC and thus isolating himself from any fallout that may occur, 
while at the same time, throwing disputes back on the Mediator, 
the disgraced former Archbishop of Bangui, who owes his 
political (if not spiritual) salvation to Bozize.  (Note: The 
Archbishop was defrocked after Vatican authorities discovered 
his dalliances with several mistresses.  End Note.) 
 
¶7. (SBU) Bozize then invited commentary about Charles Massi (Ref 
B), asking both the opposition and human rights representative 
to make remarks. After listening to the charges, sourced from 
various international media, Bozize gave a most interesting 
non-answer. First, he set the stage by wondering aloud why there 
was so much ``human rights'' interest vis a vis Massi 
considering that he claimed to be with the militia groups 
responsible for violence in northeastern CAR (He made no mention 
of Soukoumba. [Ref C]). Where, he asked, was the concern for 
members of the Central African military (FACA) and civilians who 
had been killed? Why did none of the people so worried about 
Massi's human rights today not warn him of the dangers of 
engaging in armed conflict before he took to the bush? In 
response to allegations by Massi's wife that the President had 
personally tortured the former Minister, Bozize said that he had 
last seen Massi in N'Djamena, right after Massi left the 
government and that he had refused to meet with him at that time. 
 
BANGUI 00000029  003 OF 003 
 
 
 
¶8. (SBU) COMMENT: While the mechanics of the meeting were a 
rocky and it was a bit jolting for a head of state to say that 
he had missed some things as he had, ``ten thousand things to 
do,'' Bozize did appear more in control and presidential during 
this performance than usual. Bozize is not normally a 
comfortable orator but he tends to unwind a bit more when he 
speaks in Sango. Indeed some members of the government have been 
known to cringe as his Sango speeches are not scripted and have 
a much stronger populist flair(Note: During this 2010 new year's 
address, he threatened to ``carve up'' all who opposed him. END 
NOTE). During this entire performance, this time in French, 
Bozize appeared at ease, grilling people, making jokes, and 
finally pronouncing his decisions. 
 
¶9. (SBU) The Collective of Forces for Change  have yet to 
publically respond to the President's gambit and it appears that 
they may have been out-maneuvered by Bozize this time. The 
press, even those normally critical of the President, are 
congratulating him for conducting an open dialogue with all the 
relevant actors. Additionally, the opposition's lack of a 
response, even some two days after the meeting, is symbolic of 
the deep divisions and rivalries among them. Nonetheless, it may 
be possible that this two week stalemate has accomplished a 
major goal for the opposition: many observers are starting to 
seriously worry that the elections will be delayed for 
organizational reasons, edging the opposition ever closer to its 
goal of a constitutional crisis and a transitional government. 
Thus, while Bozize may have displayed remarkable political 
acumen and clearly still wants elections on schedule, each 
crisis provoked by the opposition decreases the chances he will 
succeed. END COMMENT. 
COOK