VZCZCXRO5505
OO RUEHCHI RUEHDT RUEHHM RUEHNH
DE RUEHKL #0020/01 0120908
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
O 120908Z JAN 10
FM AMEMBASSY KUALA LUMPUR
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 3678
INFO RUCNASE/ASEAN MEMBER COLLECTIVE

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 KUALA LUMPUR 000020 
 
SIPDIS 
 
FROM THE AMBASSADOR FOR EAP A/S CAMPBELL, ACTING A/S 
DONOVAN, DAS MARCIEL AND DRL PDAS GLAZE 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/12/2020 
TAGS: MY PGOV PHUM PREL
SUBJECT: WHAT IS GOING ON IN MALAYSIA? 
 
REF: A. KUALA LUMPUR 014 UPDATE ON THE ALLAH ISSUE 
     ¶B. KUALA LUMPUR 011 OVERNIGHT ATTACKS ON THREE 
        CHURCHES 
     ¶C. KUALA LUMPUR 03 GOM APPEALS KUALA LUMPUR HIGH 
        COURT RULING 
     ¶D. 09 KUALA LUMPUR 716 CANING PUNISHMENT POSTPONED 
 
Classified By: AMBASSADOR JAMES R. KEITH; REASONS 1.4 (B) AND (D). 
 
¶1.  (C) Two fundamental issues arise in connection with the 
Malaysian authorities' handling of the "Allah" case in which 
a Malaysian court has ruled unconstitutional the Najib 
Administration's effort to ban the use of the word "Allah" by 
a Catholic newspaper, publishing in both English and 
Malaysian. 
 
Freedom of Religion 
------------------- 

¶2.  (C) Despite its extensive efforts to reassure expatriate 
and foreign audiences, the Malaysian Government has focused 
only on protection of property and persons, foregoing an 
opportunity to make a clear statement on the maintenance of 
freedom of religion in the country.
 
Rule of Law and the Independence of the Judiciary 
--------------------------------------------- ---- 

¶3.  (C) The Najib Administration's intervention has not been 
solely to promote and protect order and social stability. 
The Government has underlined the tenuous nature of judicial 
independence in the country by intervening to arrange a stay 
of the judge's order that the Catholic publication was 
allowed to use the word "Allah" in its vernacular text. 
Moreover, the Administration has arranged a series of public 
comments from figures of authority ranging from the King to 
the Sultan of Selangor conveying to Malaysian citizens the 
clear message that the authorities are opposed to the judge's 
decision and do not foresee a time when the Government would 
retreat from its ban of the use of the word "Allah" in 
Catholic or other Christian publications. 

¶4.  (C) The Administration's unwillingness to stand clearly 
for freedom of religion and the forthright application of 
legitimate judicial power, even when it is less than 
palatable to UMNO, the ruling party, is of concern.  That is 
particularly the case given the imminent trial of opposition 
leader Anwar Ibrahim set to begin on January 25.  There has 
long been conflict between the ruling party's commitment in 
principle to freedom of religion and toleration of diverse 
views in practice.  Christians and Hindus, especially, find 
it hard in some states at some times to build places of 
worship or keep them from being plowed under in the name of 
development.  Chinese Buddhist temples are less problematic 
for the established federal and state powers.  Jewish places 
of worship are strictly forbidden.  Similarly, the Malaysian 
authorities do not respect in practice the independence of 
the judiciary, at least not on a consistent basis in which an 
opponent to the ruling party can depend on justice being 
served. 

¶5.  (C) There remains a debate in Malaysia as to whether the 
Prime Minister genuinely intends to enact significant 
political reform or, alternatively, whether he is merely 
giving lip service to reform objectives so as to coax as many 
conservative Malay voters as possible back into warm embrace 
of the ruling party after mass defections in the March, 2008 
elections.  There is evidence that his Administration wishes 
to liberalize the economy and recognizes the concomitant 
requirement to achieve at least a minimal level of political 
reform.  He has spoken openly about the need to revise the 
New Economic Policy, which embodies affirmative action 
provisions for the majority Malays and is the target of 
opposition and popular criticism because it establishes the 
equivalent of second-class citizenship for the roughly 
one-third of Malaysia's population that is either ethnic 
Chinese or Indian.  Najib has similarly taken small steps to 
open up the economy and is on record suggesting the country 
must change or perish. 

¶6.  (C) But his failure thus far to record much in the way of 
tangible results, beyond more forward-looking and liberal 
rhetoric, leads to popular suspicion.  The conventional 
wisdom among most non-ruling coalition Chinese and Indians, 
for example, seems to be that the ruling party has 
orchestrated the "Allah" issue so as to increase support 
among Malay voters by fomenting division between Muslims on 
one side and Christians or secularists on the other in the 
opposition coalition.  Few in the opposition credit the 
Government with a sincere commitment to freedom of religion 
or the rule of law.  They may go too far in their distrust of 
the Government's motives and they may give the Government too 
much credit in its purported ability to organize 
conspiracies, but the popular view is widely and deeply held 
among non-Malay, non-Muslims that the Government is 
antagonistic toward other religions and is engaged in a 
long-term effort to expand Islam's primacy in Malaysian 
society. 

¶7.  (C) Najib's public relations efforts to downplay 
differences among the races and religions and promote the 
concepts of toleration and moderation notwithstanding, he 
appears to have hardened popular views since the advent of 
his Administration given the steps hardliners in the ruling 
party have forced on their fellow UMNO members.  The Kartika 
caning case and the cow-head incident (ref D), and a number 
of less prominent news events involving constraints on the 
practice of religious freedom have firmed up the views of 
those already in opposition.  It is difficult to say at this 
point how this latest controversy will affect the ongoing 
priority on the ruling party's part to woo back ethnic Malays 
before another general election must be held by 2013.  But it 
is clear that there are limits as to how far Najib will go to 
earn the characterization of Malaysia as a moderate voice in 
the Muslim world.  We should adjust expectations accordingly, 
and we will have to monitor closely the next likely test of 
Najib's political will, namely Anwar Ibrahim's January 25 
trial. 
 
KEITH