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C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 10 USUN NEW YORK 001129 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/02/2019 
TAGS: BP BX CB CH ECON FJ FM ID JA KR KS LA MG
MY, NH, NR, NZ, PHUM, PP, PREL, PS, RM, RP, SN, TH, TN, TV, 
UNGA, VM, WS, XB 
SUBJECT: 64TH UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY:  EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC 
ISLANDS' PERFORMANCE 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001129  001.4 OF 010 
 
 
Classified By: AMBASSADOR ROSEMARY DICARLO FOR REASONS 1.4 (B & D) 
 
SUMMARY AND INTRODUCTION: 
 
¶1. (U) This cable was prepared by Ambassador Joan Plaisted, 
who served as Senior Area Adviser for East Asia and the 
Pacific (EAP) to the 64th United Nations General Assembly 
(UNGA). 
 
¶2. (U) EAP countries in general welcomed the new era of U.S. 
engagement and partnership this 64th General Assembly where 
the United States sought anew to work through the United 
Nations in pursuit of enhanced global cooperation. In his 
General Assembly address, President Obama cited the United 
States paying our budgetary and peacekeeping arrears, our 
rejoining the Human Rights Council, and our embracing the 
Millennium Development Goals.  He could have added our 
recommitment to ending climate change and endorsement of the 
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.  U.S. reengagement was 
evidenced in the President's chairing a special session of 
the Security Council on non-proliferation and disarmament and 
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's chairing a session to 
condemn violence against women and co-chairing with Secretary 
General Ban Ki-moon a Food Security meeting.  Pacific Island 
Permanent Representatives (Permreps) to the United Nations 
are still commenting on how much their heads of state and 
government appreciated Secretary Clinton's meeting with them 
on the margins of the UNGA.  This clear message of 
reengagment helped to advance new policies on 
non-proliferation and disarmament, climate change and other 
environmental issues, human rights and democracy, and the UN 
Budget - the U.S. goals for the 64th UNGA.  Other U.S. 
priorities included peacekeeping and conflict management, 
sustainable development, combating gender violence, and UN 
management reforms, including enforcing budget discipline in 
the regular and peacekeeping scales of assessments, as the 
UNGA conducts its triennial review of the scale of 
assessments this year. 
 
¶3.  (U) The policy of active engagement was reflected in 
committee votes where the United States worked hard to avoid 
being isolated, if possible.  On disarmament and 
nonproliferation issues in the First Committee, the United 
States cast ten "no" votes this year, down from 23 last year, 
and in no case did we vote "no" in isolation.  Our going from 
a "no" vote to co-sponsorship of Japan's resolution on the 
complete elimination of nuclear weapons was reportedly front 
page news in Japan.  The Australians were delighted when we 
co-sponsored and voted for their resolution on the 
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty rather than voted against it as 
we had done since 2001.  We were able to abstain rather than 
vote "no" on the ASEAN resolution on the Southeast Asia 
Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty.  On social, humanitarian, 
and cultural issues in the Third Committee, delegates broke 
out in unusual applause when the United States joined 
consensus on the Rights of the Child for the first time in a 
decade.  The new U.S. flexibility enabled us to join 
consensus for the first time on Right to Food too.  On Right 
to Development the United States was no longer the sole "no" 
vote, now joined by the EU.  However, in the Second (Economic 
and Financial) Committee, five resolutions still needed to be 
voted upon this year, similar to previous years. 
 
¶4. (U) To achieve U.S. goals for the 64th UN General Assembly 
(UNGA) session, East Asian and Pacific Islands support was 
essential. A new resolution this session based on the 
Goldstone Report was adopted by a vote of 114-18(U.S.)-44. 
It called on Israel and the Palestinian side to investigate 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001129  002.4 OF 010 
 
 
alleged war crimes committed during the December 2008-January 
2009 conflict.  The 18 "no" votes - including those cast by 
five Pacific Islanders - are the most a resolution dealing 
with Israel has received since 2005.  EAP votes were 
especially helpful on three Middle East resolutions the 
United States identified as top priorities. Although these 
still passed by overwhelming margins, the Pacific Islanders 
accounted for the majority of the "no" votes with the United 
States and for many of the abstentions. Voting "no" on all 
three resolutions with the United States and Israel, along 
with Canada, were Australia, the Marshall Islands, 
Micronesia, Nauru, and Palau.  In a welcome shift, New 
Zealand joined the no votes on the Division for Palestinian 
Rights resolution this session.  While Australia moved away 
from the United States on one vote - the resolution on 
Palestinian self-determination - this was to reverse the 
previous government's decision to vote no on resolutions that 
reference the ICJ decision on the separation barrier. 
Australia shifted its votes on two resolutions during the 
63rd UNGA for the same reason. 
 
¶5. (SBU) A top U.S. priority again this UNGA was to ensure 
passage of the Iran human rights resolution, plus resolutions 
on Burma and the DPRK. In a welcome development, no 
delegation called for a procedural motion - a "no-action" 
motion - to try to block the Third Committee from taking up 
the Iran and Burma resolutions this session.  All out efforts 
by USUN, Washington, and our Posts ensured the Third 
Committee passed all three human rights resolutions by wider 
margins than last year.  On our top priority, Iran, 14 EAP 
countries in the Third Committee cast welcome "yes" votes. 
We picked up an extra "yes" vote this year from Papua New 
Guinea that had previously abstained.  For the second year in 
a row, Kiribati was able to get its proxy in on time for the 
Third Committee votes. Due to Iran's assistance, Tuvalu 
reverted to voting "no," a vote they had cast in the Plenary 
in 2007 before getting miffed that Iran had not delivered on 
promised aid and switched back to voting "yes" in 2008. 
Alas, Iran delivered this year.  On Burma, five ASEAN 
countries were able to abstain this year when Cambodia 
shifted from being not present to abstaining along with 
Indonesia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. In part 
influenced by its desire to join ASEAN, Timor-Leste switched 
to abstaining from a "yes" vote.  Tuvalu cast an unhelpful 
"no" vote.  On the DPRK human rights resolution, the only 
change was Laos going from a "no" vote to deliberately being 
not present.   Third Committee items are expected to come up 
in the Plenary for a vote on December 18, with the exception 
of the Burma human rights resolution that due to budgetary 
implications may be delayed until December 23-24.  We again 
need active lobbying efforts by posts. 
 
¶6. (C) The votes of Pacific Islanders, which now number 14 
counting Australia and New Zealand, can no longer be taken 
for granted as islanders are increasingly courted by Iran, 
Venezuela, Cuba, and others.  Two islands - the Solomon 
Islands and Tuvalu - have cast their lot with Iran in return 
for much needed assistance.  Cuba offers medical training in 
Havana to students from several of the islands.  As 
Ambassador Rice commented in her much appreciated November 30 
meeting with the Pacific Island Permreps before the 
Copenhagen climate change conference, all the U.S. can offer 
is friendship and a principled position; others offer added 
incentives. For the 65th UNGA, the Senior Advisor would 
recommend that Secretary Clinton again meet with the Pacific 
Island heads of state and government. This high-level 
attention does translate into goodwill and votes at the 
United Nations. End Summary and Introduction. 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001129  003.4 OF 010 
 
 
 
-------------------------------------------- 
Climate Change Summit and the General Debate 
-------------------------------------------- 
 
¶7.  (U) To launch the 64th UNGA, Secretary General Ban 
Ki-moon convened the largest-ever summit on the climate 
crisis with the participation of 101 heads of state and 
government and representatives from 163 countries in the run 
up to Copenhagen in December.  Many leaders confirmed the 
need to limit global average temperature rise to a maximum of 
two degrees Celsius.  Most vulnerable countries including the 
small island developing states pushed for an even more 
stringent 1.5 degree limit. On the mitigation front, Japan's 
new Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama was praised for his 
announcement of an ambitious goal of a 25 percent reduction 
in greenhouse gas emissions by 2020, against the 1990 level, 
and the intent to create a Japanese carbon market that would 
be linked into a global carbon market. Several delegates 
found President Hu Jintao's announcement too vague that China 
would be prepared to take additional actions to reduce energy 
intensity in the context of an international agreement. On 
adaptation, the European Union announced their support for a 
fast track funding facility for adaptation and their 
readiness to provide 5-7 billion Euros to launch it. 
 
¶8. (U) East Asia and Pacific countries in their speeches 
during the Climate Change Summit and General Debate that 
followed when almost all of the 192 member states addressed 
the General Assembly highlighted the deleterious impact of 
climate change and the global financial, food, and energy 
crises on their economies. Pacific Island nations appealed 
for redoubled efforts to address climate change and rising 
sea levels, which they maintained threaten the security of 
their people as seen in their General Assembly resolution 
adopted last June by consensus with U.S. co-sponsorship on 
"Climate Change and its Possible Security Implications." 
Papua New Guinea noted the need to resettle 1200 of their 
citizens and called for 20 percent of any financial or 
institutional response to climate change to be allocated to 
deforestation, since deforestation accounts for 20 percent of 
greenhouse gas emissions. The Philippines referred to their 
role as coordinator for the G-77 in the climate change talks. 
 New Zealand's new Prime Minister noted climate change must 
be the 64th UNGA's main focus and announced New Zealand would 
direct its assistance to the Pacific Islanders.  New Zealand 
also sought support for their Security Council candidacy for 
2015-2016. (Australia is a candidate for 2013-2014).  Palau's 
President said his people "cherish" their relationship with 
the United States and called for a worldwide bottom trawling 
moratorium. Kiribati's President sought international support 
for their relocation strategy, saying on climate change, "If 
we don't act now, who the hell is going to do it." 
 
¶9.  (U) Mongolia's President proposed a North East Asian 
Summit on climate change and sought support for their 
subsequently successful candidacy for ECOSOC for 2010-2011. 
Cambodia warmly welcomed the U.S. initiative to engage the 
Lower Mekong Basin countries by sharing best practices. 
Indonesia's Foreign Minister, identifying Israel as the main 
problem in the Middle East, then praised President Obama's 
even-handed and multilateral approach and called on other 
countries to respond to this partnering for peace. Burma's 
Prime Minister sought an end to sanctions against his 
country, claiming that since "sanctions are indiscriminate 
and of themselves a form of violence, they cannot 
legitimately be regarded as a tool to promote human rights 
and democracy."  Japan's Prime Minister promoted a role for 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001129  004.4 OF 010 
 
 
his country as a bridge between East and West. The ROK's 
President announced a tripling of their 2008 level of 
official development assistance by 2015 and offered to share 
their experiences to help others find the right development 
model.  He went off text to note he had proposed a "grand 
bargain" to the DPRK, offering economic development aid in 
exchange for the DPRK giving up nuclear weapons.  Several 
countries called on the DPRK to uphold their commitments and 
to pursue Six-Party Talks. 
 
------------------------ 
Anti-Israeli Resolutions 
------------------------ 
 
¶10. (SBU)  One of the most hotly contested votes this UNGA 
was on a new resolution based on the Goldstone Report.  The 
resolution, the "Follow-up to the Report of the UN 
Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict," endorsed the 
report and called on Israel and the Palestinian side to 
investigate alleged war crimes committed during the December 
2008-January 2009 conflict and implied possible UNSC action 
if either side fails to launch credible investigations. 
Syria's hard-line negotiating stance allowed the EU to be 
split and led to more "no" votes and abstentions.  The 18 
"no" votes are the most a resolution dealing with Israel has 
received since 2005. The resolution was adopted by a vote of 
114-18(U.S.)-44.  Pacific Islanders cast five of the "no" 
votes: Australia, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru, and 
Palau.  Abstaining were Fiji, Japan, New Zealand, PNG, ROK, 
Samoa, and Tonga.  Voting "yes" were Brunei, Cambodia, China, 
DPRK, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Mongolia, Myanmar, 
Philippines, Singapore, Solomon Islands, Thailand, 
Timor-Leste, and Vietnam.  Absent were Kiribati, Tuvalu, and 
Vanuatu.  This issue will come up again in February. Assuming 
there could well be another vote, it is worth noting that 
Vanuatu's Permrep told the Senior Advisor he could have voted 
"no", but he had a conflicting appointment. Tuvalu has moved 
from voting "no" to abstaining to voting "yes" most recently 
on some Middle East votes, so being not present is a good 
stance.  Fiji's Permrep told the Senior Advisor he is facing 
criticism from his capital that wants to move toward the Arab 
position; "his country is kicking his butt" for his 
abstention.  Timor-Leste's Permrep told the Senior Advisor he 
switched from his instructions to abstain to a "yes" vote 
after hearing the Israeli Permrep's inflammatory language 
referring to the Goldstone Committee as "conceived with 
hatred and delivered in sin"; he maintained that more respect 
was due to Judge Goldstone. This is a vote to turn around in 
capital.  Another vote to target is Mongolia's disappointing 
"yes" vote, since Mongolia often abstains or is deliberately 
absent on Middle East votes.  Finally Singapore has good 
relations with Israel yet votes consistently with the NAM. 
 
¶11. (U) EAP countries were also helpful in adding to the "no" 
votes and abstentions on three priority resolutions opposed 
by the United States that extend the mandates of anti-Israeli 
UN 
programs established more than a generation ago.  These 
programs contribute neither to the achievement of peace in 
the region nor to the goal of UN reform.  The State 
Department, under PL 106-113 (Section 721), is required to 
report by January 15 each year on steps taken to abolish 
certain UN groups, including these three programs. 
 
¶12.  (U) The Plenary vote to extend the mandate of the 
Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices was 92 
-9(U.S.)-74.  Last year's vote was 94 for-8(U.S.)-73.  Voting 
"no" with the U.S. and Israel were Australia, Canada, the 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001129  005.4 OF 010 
 
 
Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru, and Palau. Panama added 
the extra "no" vote this year. We had one less EAP "yes" vote 
when Cambodia was absent this year.  The Solomon Islands 
switched to a "yes" vote from being not present in 2008. 
Tuvalu switched to being not present from a "yes" vote in 
2008, abstaining in 2007, and voting "no" with us in 2005 and 
¶2006. EAP picked up two more abstentions from PNG and Vanuatu 
(both were not present in 2008). The Senior Advisor was able 
to convince Vanuatu's only remaining delegate to vote this 
year by providing her with a detailed accounting of their 
past votes.  The Philippines and Thailand again broke ranks 
with ASEAN to abstain.  Also abstaining were Fiji, Japan, 
Mongolia, New Zealand, the  ROK, Samoa, Timor-Leste, and 
Tonga. Cambodia, Kiribati, and Tuvalu were absent. 
 
¶13. (SBU) The Plenary vote to extend the mandate of the 
Division for Palestinian Rights of the Secretariat was 
112-9(U.S.)-54  Last year the vote was 106-8(U.S.)-57.  We 
picked up a welcome "no" vote from New Zealand.  New 
Zealand's Permrep told the Senior Advisor their new 
government had given this a good hard look in capital.  In a 
helpful explanation of vote, he opined the resources for the 
Division for Palestinian Rights can be better spent.  (The 
Division costs $3 million a year and largely turns out 
reports).  Again joining the U.S., Israel, Canada, and 
Australia in voting "no" were our traditional small island 
friends - the Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru, and Palau. 
Timor-Leste switched to being not present from voting "yes" 
in 2008. After the Thai Permrep reviewed their past votes and 
discovered all other ASEAN countries were voting "yes", 
Thailand switched to a "yes" vote from abstaining in past 
years.  Fiji again abstained as they did in 2008, after 
voting "yes" in 2007.  Also abstaining were Japan, PNG, the 
ROK, and Samoa. Absent were Kiribati, Mongolia 
(deliberately), Timor-Leste (deliberately), Tuvalu, and 
Vanuatu (staff shortage). 
 
¶14. (U) The Plenary vote to extend the mandate of the 
Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the 
Palestinian People was 109-8(U.S.)-55.  Last year the vote was 
107-8(U.S.)-57. Reflecting their votes on the Division for 
Palestinian Rights, Thailand switched from abstaining to a 
"yes" vote to join the other ASEANS and Timor-Leste switched 
from voting "yes" to being not present.  Voting "no" were 
Australia, the Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru, and 
Palau.  Abstaining were Fiji, Japan, New Zealand, PNG, ROK, 
Samoa, and Tonga. Absent were Kiribati, Mongolia, 
Timor-Leste, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu.  All other EAP countries 
voted "yes." 
 
¶15.  (SBU) Next year EAP should try to obtain more "no" votes 
from the islanders, including Samoa and Tonga, and to see if 
New Zealand, now voting "no" on the Division for Palestinian 
Rights would join us on the other two priority resolutions in 
line with their supposed efforts to vote more with the United 
States on Middle East issues.  Prime Minister Key has told us 
he is very determined to re-think former Prime Minister 
Clark's position on the debate.  We should seek to get 
Vanuatu to be present for all three resolutions and to 
abstain.  It was again a staff shortage with a delegate out 
with the flu that lead to their being not present on two 
resolutions this year. PNG is now abstaining on all three 
resolutions. Fiji, which is now abstaining on all three 
resolutions, also shifted from a "yes" vote to abstaining on 
the resolution on the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of 
Palestine and should be urged to do so on other Middle East 
resolutions too.  Timor-Leste's recent welcome votes should 
be watched in view of their interest to align themselves more 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001129  006.4 OF 010 
 
 
closely with ASEAN countries in hopes of joining ASEAN. 
Thailand is now abstaining (along with the Philippines among 
the ASEANS) on only one of the three resolutions.  The high 
cost - $3 million annually - of  maintaining the mandate for 
the Division for Palestinian Rights of the Secretariat is a 
good point to emphasize.  It would be useful if the 
Department could provide more substantive talking points on 
these resolutions and more advance notice of upcoming votes, 
allowing for time for demarches. 
 
------------------------ 
Human Rights Resolutions 
------------------------ 
 
¶16. (U) EAP posts efforts paid off when the Third Committee 
adopted resolutions on the human rights situations in Iran, 
Burma, and the DPRK by wider margins than in 2008. These 
resolutions still have to be voted on in the Plenary on 
December 18, with the Burma vote expected December 23-24.  In 
a welcome change from past years, no Third Committee 
delegations called for "no-action" motions - a procedural 
motion to try to block an item for coming up for a vote. The 
most important resolution on Iran passed by an overall 26 
vote winning margin, compared with a 19 vote margin in the 
Third Committee in 2008. The Burma resolution saw an overall 
gain of three "yes" votes, three fewer "no" votes, and two 
more abstentions compared with last year's Third Committee 
vote.  The DPRK resolution enjoyed a gain of two "yes" votes, 
five fewer "no" votes, and three more abstentions.  In sum, 
we had a very good showing on all three resolutions.  The 
Pacific Islands again proved to be key to the success of the 
human rights resolutions.  These small delegations made a 
real effort to be present and will have to make an even 
greater effort to cover the plenary vote when many delegates 
will be in Copenhagen for the climate conference.  How EAP 
countries voted is outlined in detail below: 
 
¶17. (SBU) Iran human rights resolution: 74(U.S.)-48-59.  Last 
year's Third Committee vote was 70(U.S.)-51-60.  Canada 
sponsored this resolution and the U.S. cosponsored.  EAP 
gained a good "yes" vote from Papua New Guinea (PNG voted 
"yes" in 2005 and had abstained since then). Their Permrep 
carefully reviewed recent developments and told the Senior 
Advisor he was influenced by the aftermath of the June 
elections.  We lost a "yes" vote when Tuvalu switched from 
"yes" to "no" due to assistance from Iran. Their Charge, who 
was trying to understand his government's instructions to 
vote "no," said Tuvalu was desperate for assistance; without 
it, they would be gone in ten years, he claimed.  Iran has 
helped to build a sea-wall for protection from global warming 
and is also helping to finance their students to study in 
Cuba. (In 2007 Tuvalu shifted from voting "yes" in the Third 
Committee to voting "no" in the plenary, then returned to 
their good "yes" votes last year when promised assistance was 
not delivered).  The Solomon Islands continued to abstain. 
Their Permrep in an explanation of vote called for others to 
respect the Solomon Islands' position, saying human rights 
issues should be dealt with in the Human Rights Council, not 
elsewhere.  The Permrep had earlier maintained in a 
conversation with an EAP/DAS and the Senior Advisor that 
other countries had a luxury the Solomon Islands can't 
afford; they need assistance from the international 
community.  For the second year, Kiribati cast a welcome 
"yes" vote by proxy in the Third Committee. We saw a net gain 
of one abstention from Cambodia which had been absent last 
year. 
 
--Yes:  Australia, Fiji, Japan, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001129  007.4 OF 010 
 
 
Micronesia, Nauru, New Zealand, Palau, PNG, Samoa, 
Timor-Leste, 
Tonga, Vanuatu. 
 
--No: China, DPRK, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Tuvalu, 
Vietnam. 
 
--Abstain:  Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Mongolia, Philippines, 
ROK, 
Singapore, Solomon Islands, Thailand. 
 
¶18.  (SBU) Burma/Myanmar human rights resolution: 
92(U.S.)-26-65.  Last year's Third Committee vote was 
89(U.S.)-29-63.  Because this resolution has budgetary 
implications, it will come up for a vote very late in the 
Plenary when some small countries are absent. It was 
EU-sponsored and the United States again co-sponsored.  The 
resolution strongly condemns the ongoing systematic 
violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms of the 
people of Myanmar and expresses grave concern at the recent 
trial and sentencing of Aung San Suu Kyi while calling for 
her immediate and unconditional release and the release of 
all prisoners of conscience.  It strongly urges the 
Government to take the necessary steps towards a free, fair, 
transparent, and inclusive electoral process, including 
allowing the participation of all voters and all political 
parties.  The resolution extends the Secretary General's 
mandate by requesting the SG "to continue to provide his good 
offices" and to give all necessary assistance to enable his 
Special Advisor and the Special Rapporteur to discharge their 
mandates fully and effectively and in a coordinated manner. 
We picked up a "yes" vote from Micronesia that had 
embarrassingly missed the Third Committee vote last year. 
Cambodia moved to an abstention, which was good to be 
counted, rather than being absent.  Timor-Leste shifted from 
a good "yes" vote last year to abstaining; this very 
controversial vote in capital had the Foreign Minister 
ordering the Permrep to abstain and the President instructing 
him to vote "yes." The Permrep has told the Senior Advisor he 
intends to vote "yes" in the plenary even if it means being 
fired.  The worst vote was Tuvalu switching to a "no" vote 
from a "yes" vote last year. 
 
--Yes:  Australia, Fiji, Japan, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, 
Micronesia, Mongolia, Nauru, New Zealand, Palau, ROK, Samoa, 
Tonga, Vanuatu. 
 
--No:  Brunei, China, DPRK, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Tuvalu, 
Vietnam. 
 
--Abstain: Cambodia, Indonesia, PNG, Philippines, Singapore, 
Solomon Islands, Thailand, Timor-Leste. 
 
¶19.  (SBU) DPRK human rights resolution: 97(U.S.)-19-65. 
Last year's Third Committee vote was 95(U.S.)-24-62. This was 
the fifth time the UNGA has passed a human rights resolution 
on 
the DPRK.  It was EU-sponsored, the United States 
cosponsored.  The resolution expresses "very serious concern 
at the persistence of continuing reports of systemic, 
widespread and grave violations of civil, political, 
economic, social and cultural rights" and the continued 
refusal to recognize the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on 
the situation of human rights in the DPRK.  The ROK again 
voted "yes," rather than abstaining as they did in 2007. 
Laos was not present, having voted "no" in 2008.  Mongolia 
was again deliberately absent because of its strategic 
location as a neighbor.  Tuvalu, which had co-sponsored the 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001129  008.4 OF 010 
 
 
resolution, continued to vote "yes" on this one. 
 
--Yes:  Australia, Fiji, Japan, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, 
Micronesia, Nauru, New Zealand, Palau, PNG, ROK, Samoa, 
Timor-Leste, Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu. 
 
--No:  China, DPRK, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Vietnam 
 
--Abstain:  Brunei, Cambodia, Philippines, Singapore, Solomon 
Islands, Thailand. 
 
--Absent: Laos, Mongolia. 
 
--------------------------------------------- ----------------- 
Defamation of Religions and other Third Committee Resolutions 
--------------------------------------------- ----------------- 
 
¶20.  (U) Another Third Committee priority was to ensure broad 
cross-regional opposition to the OIC-sponsored "Combating 
Defamation of Religions" resolution.  The resolution seeks to 
impose limitations on freedom of expression that run contrary 
to U.S. and international law.  While the resolution passed 
in the Third Committee by a vote of 81-55(U.S.)-43, this was 
an improvement from last year's Third Committee vote of 
85-50(U.S.)-42. The OIC sponsors must be concerned by the 
steadily diminishing votes for their resolution as more 
delegations understand the content.  On EAP votes, we picked 
up a "no" vote from Vanuatu, which had abstained in 2008. 
Both the Marshall Islands and Nauru were absent in the Third 
Committee but have told the Senior Advisor they will vote 
"no" in the plenary.  We picked up four abstentions: Fiji, 
Solomon Islands, Tonga, and Tuvalu.  Tonga's Permrep promised 
to shift to a "no" vote in the Plenary.  Voting yes were 
Brunei, Cambodia China, DPRK, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, 
Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. 
Voting "no" with the U.S. were Australia, Micronesia, New 
Zealand, Palau, ROK, Samoa, and Vanuatu.  Abstaining were 
Fiji, Japan, Mongolia, PNG, Solomon Islands, Timor-Leste, 
Tonga, and Tuvalu.  Kiribati, the Marshall Islands, and Nauru 
were absent.  This vote will come up again in the Plenary on 
December 18. 
 
¶21.  (U) On other Third Committee resolutions, many EAP 
countries warmly welcomed the new U.S. flexibility that 
enabled us to join consensus for the first time on Right to 
Food and Rights of the Child.  Committee members broke out in 
spontaneous applause when the U.S. joined consensus on Rights 
of the Child for the first time since 2002.  On Right to 
Development the United States was no longer the sole "no" 
vote when the EU stood firm against G-77 excesses and voted 
"no" as a bloc. 
 
---------------------------------- 
Non-Proliferation and Disarmament 
---------------------------------- 
 
¶22.  (SBU)  The U.S. policy of active engagement on 
multilateral disarmament and nonproliferation issues paid off 
in the UNGA First Committee (Disarmament and International 
Security).  The United States sought to build on the vision 
President Obama articulated in his April speech in Prague by 
engaging resolution sponsors to find as much common ground as 
possible and to reduce the number of instances where we voted 
"no" in isolation.  As a result, the First Committee greatly 
reduced the number of issues voted upon this year.  The 
United States cast 10 "no" votes this year, down from 23 last 
year, and in no case did we vote "no" in isolation.  Many EAP 
delegations, particularly Indonesia, applauded our 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001129  009.4 OF 010 
 
 
willingness to be flexible and to engage constructively. 
Japan's delegation accommodated our recommended changes on 
their resolution on the complete elimination of nuclear 
weapons.  With the Japanese press hovering over the First 
Committee, the United States went from a "no" vote last year 
to co-sponsorship this year - a move that was reportedly 
front page news in Japan.  The ASEAN states, particularly 
Thailand as the chair, were most helpful in negotiations on 
their resolution on the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free 
Zone Treaty enabling the United States to abstain rather than 
vote "no" as we had in the past.  Satisfactory but 
hard-fought results were reached on resolutions on the report 
of the Conference on Disarmament and the Fissile Material 
Cutoff Treaty.  The resolution on a conventional Arms Trade 
Treaty (ATT) was among the most contentious, but in the end 
we agreed to support it in return for UK agreement that the 
ATT negotiations would be conducted by consensus; China, 
Russia, India, Pakistan, and many Arab states abstained.  The 
Australians were thrilled when the United States co-sponsored 
and voted for their resolution on the Comprehensive Test Ban 
Treaty (reflecting the change in U.S. policy on the CTBT) 
rather than vote against it as we had done since 2001.  In 
order to gain widespread support, the Australian sponsors, 
after long and difficult consultations with China, watered 
down significantly any reference to the DPRK nuclear test. 
The DPRK still cast the only "no" vote.  In general, 
Singapore, especially on disarmament issues, and Indonesia 
sought to moderate NAM positions in the First Committee. 
 
----------------------------------------- 
Bloc Politics and EAP Country Performance 
----------------------------------------- 
 
¶23.  (C) ASEAN countries again diverged this UNGA, as seen in 
their votes on the human rights resolutions on Iran, Burma, 
and the DPRK.  The Philippines and Thailand again split off 
to abstain on some Middle East issues this session.  Because 
almost all of developing Asia is organized in one regional 
group or another, Mongolia feels left out, belonging to no 
sub-regional group and believes this impacts its ability to 
get elected to UN bodies.  Mongolia was thus most pleased to 
be elected to ECOSOC, after dropping its bid for a SC seat 
candidacy for 2009-2010.  Timor-Leste, a fairly recent UN 
member, is feeling its way on the issues and, without being a 
member of a group, is amenable to considering questions on 
their merits. Their Permrep's task has been complicated this 
session by the conflicting instructions he is receiving from 
capital on the Burma human rights vote. 
 
¶24.  (C) As in past years, Pacific Island Forum (PIF) 
countries consult regularly on UN issues, with Nauru 
currently serving as PIF chair.  Counting Australia and New 
Zealand, the Pacific Islands now number 14, with the addition 
of Tuvalu as a member in 2000 and Kiribati, Nauru, and Tonga 
in 1999.  Kiribati, due to cost, is the only Pacific island 
without a UN Mission in New York, although their President 
participates in September's General Debate.  Kiribati has 
increasingly granted its proxy to New Zealand, enabling 
Kiribati to vote on the human rights resolutions in the Third 
Committee, not just in the plenary, for the second year now. 
One has to start well in advance to line up their proxy.  We 
hope their participation will continue to increase.  As in 
past UNGAs, some delegations made effective use of interns to 
supplement their small staff.  Taiwan has managed to get into 
the United Nations via the back door, placing interns in a 
few island delegations.  While not exactly a voting bloc, the 
islands are an influential group whose votes are increasingly 
solicited by others.  The United States can not take these 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001129  010.4 OF 010 
 
 
votes for granted when we seek support on human rights, 
Middle East, and other issues.  Even our normally solid 
supporter, the Marshall Islands switched in 2008 to 
abstaining on the resolution calling for an end to the Cuban 
embargo, but rejoined the handful of "no" votes this year 
with the U.S., Israel, and Palau. Iran, Venezuela and Cuba 
court the islanders too.  Several islands have medical 
students studying in Havana: Kiribati, Nauru, the Solomon 
Islands, and, most recently, Tuvalu.  Tuvalu's Permrep 
earlier told the Senior Advisor quite blatantly that he votes 
for whoever can assist Tuvalu; if you can help us on this 
project, we will vote for you. "We are here to seek 
assistance," he maintained. 
 
¶25. (U) The best way to get island votes, in addition to 
providing assistance, is to devote time and attention to 
these small delegations and to provide written talking points 
for them to share with their capitals when needed.  Most 
regular contact in New York ends after the Senior Advisor 
departs.  The islanders greatly appreciated Ambassador Rice's 
hosting them to lunch last January and meeting with them on 
climate change just before Copenhagen. We need to be alert to 
opportunities to continue the outreach.  For the 65th UNGA, 
the Senior Advisor would recommend that Secretary Clinton 
again meet with the Pacific Island heads of state and 
government. This high-level attention does translate into 
goodwill and votes at the United Nations. 
 
¶26. (U) EAP countries good showing this UNGA - with the 
Pacific Islands often our best allies in the UN - was 
attributable to concerted efforts on all fronts: in New York, 
in Washington, and in capitals.  Our embassies in particular 
deserve our gratitude for their lobbying efforts with host 
governments, often on short notice. 
 
***  Current Classification ***  CONFIDENTIAL 
RICE