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DE RUEHRH #1442/01 3050644
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
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FM AMEMBASSY RIYADH
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 1811
INFO RUEHUNV/USMISSION UNVIE VIENNA PRIORITY 0032
RHEBAAA/DEPT OF ENERGY WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK PRIORITY 0046
RUEHBS/USEU BRUSSELS PRIORITY
RUEHNO/USMISSION USNATO PRIORITY 0095
RUEHGV/USMISSION GENEVA PRIORITY 0742

C O N F I D E N T I A L RIYADH 001442 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPARTMENT FOR ISN/MNSA 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/01/2019 
TAGS: AORC CDG ENRG IAEA KNNP MNUC PARM PGOV PREL
UNGA, NPT 
SUBJECT: NUCLEAR NONPROLIFERATION TREATY: PART 2 OF 2: 
REVIEW CONFERENCE INPUT FOR SAUDI ARABIA 
 
REF: A. STATE 083600 
     ¶B. RIYADH 1061 
 
Classified By: Ambassador James B. Smith for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) 
 
¶1. (U) SUMMARY AND COMMENT: The Saudi Arabian government is 
generally supportive of nuclear nonproliferation and arms 
control issues, although its cooperation is calibrated 
against regional concerns, such as Israeli policies, Iranian 
threats, and the imperative of maintaining Arab unity. END 
SUMMARY. 
 
¶2. (U) What is the host government's general attitude towards 
CTBT, FMCT, NPT, and U.S.-Russian arms control efforts? What 
factors influence its attitudes and positions? 
-- The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is generally supportive of 
CTBT, FMCT, NPT, and U.S.-Russian arms control efforts. The 
lack of Israeli participation in NPT influences KSA's 
attitudes and positions. 
 
¶3. (U) What position on CTBT, FMCT, NPT, and U.S.-Russian 
arms control efforts is the host government likely to take in 
upcoming fora, such as the Conference on Disarmament, the 
UNGA First (Disarmament) Committee, and the NPT Review 
Conference in 2010? 
-- The Saudi Arabian government (SAG) is likely to be 
supportive of others' efforts but not likely to be proactive 
in offering to host a conference or take leadership roles. 
 
¶4. (U) With which countries does the host country work most 
closely on these issues? 
-- The SAG works most closely with Arab League members, GCC 
states and the U.S. on NPT issues. 
 
¶5. (C) Who are key government personnel involved in nuclear 
arms control and nonproliferation decision-making in the 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, related ministries (such as 
defense and energy), and their diplomatic missions to arms 
control fora? 
-- The key nonproliferation advisor is Foreign Minister Saud 
Al Faisal. Prince Turki, the number 3 at the Ministry of 
Foreign Affairs (MFA), is also an influential official though 
decisions on these issues rest with the Foreign Minister. 
 
¶6. (U) What role do you play in arms control and 
nonproliferation organizations? Do you take a leadership role 
on any issues? 
-- The U.S. Embassy's main role has been to keep Saudi 
counterparts apprised of nonproliferation initiatives, 
programs, and events. 
 
¶7. (C) How does the nuclear arms control and nonproliferation 
policymaking process work, and what is the interplay among 
government officials and agencies? 
-- Key nonproliferation issues would be presented to King 
Abdullah during weekly Council of Ministers meetings. The MFA 
develops policy based on the King's directions. The King 
Abdulaziz City for Science and Technology (KACST) serves as 
the implementing organization within the Saudi government. 
 
¶8. (C) Which people and agencies carry the most weight, and 
on which issues? 
-- The King, the MFA, and KACST carry the most weight on 
nonproliferation issues. 
 
¶9. (C) What are the key factors that drive adoption or 
rejection of particular policies or positions on nuclear arms 
control or nonproliferation issues? 
-- The key factors that drive adoption or rejection of 
policies are limited Saudi capacity (i.e. to execute 
obligations of PSA) and limited number of effective senior 
managers in government. Another factor is Saudi concern about 
how its diplomatic agreements are perceived in the Arab world 
and by regional governments. 
 
¶10. (C) How many people in host country's missions (New York, 
Geneva, and Vienna) to arms control fora deal with arms 
control and nonproliferation issues? Who are they? 
-- Our understanding is that no more than one officer in each 
mission has nonproliferation as a part of his portfolio. 
 
¶11. (C) Are mission personnel and resources augmented during 
key relevant meetings? 
 
-- During meetings considered of high importance, Saudi 
representatives from MFA will represent the SAG. For events 
regarded to be of less importance, a Saudi official from the 
nearest embassy or consulate would represent. 
 
¶12. (U) What are the roles and influence of the host 
country's nuclear power industry (if any), academia, and 
non-governmental organizations in nuclear arms control and 
nonproliferation decision-making? 
-- The nuclear power industry, academia, and non-governmental 
organizations have a very limited role and little influence 
in nuclear arms control and nonproliferation decision-making. 
 
¶13. (U) What are the key alliances with other governments on 
arms control and nonproliferation issues. For example, the 
Nonaligned Movement (NAM) and the Group of 77 (G-77)? 
-- The key alliance for the SAG on arms control and 
nonproliferation issues is with the GCC. Arab League 
consensus is also important to the SAG on these issues. 
 
¶14. (C) To what extent does the host government appear to 
influence, follow, or diverge from the NAM or G-77 line? 
-- KSA views its NPT policies and obligations primarily as 
justified by Saudi national interest, and secondarily as part 
of the Arab League and GCC collective, with constraints 
imposed by regional political conditions, i.e. Israel's non 
participation in NPT and Iran's maverick nuclear development 
policy. 
 
¶15. (C) How much flexibility do the missions to the UN, CD, 
and IAEA appear to have, and to what extent do they appear to 
receive guidance from capital? To what extent do they need 
further guidance from capital to engage on RevCon objectives? 
-- It can be assumed that the Saudi missions to the UN, CD, 
and IAEA will not take significant decisions or initiatives 
without clear guidance and approvals from MFA Riyadh. 
SMITH