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DE RUEHPU #0936/01 3141042
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P 101042Z NOV 09
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C O N F I D E N T I A L PORT AU PRINCE 000936 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR S, C, WHA/EX, WHA/CAR, S/CRS, DS/IP/WHA, INR/IAA 
AND INL FOR KEVIN BROWN, HEATHER WILD AND MEAGAN MCBRIDE 
WHA/EX PLEASE PASS TO USOAS, USAID/LAC 
SOUTHCOM ALSO FOR POLAD 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/16/2019 
TAGS: PGOV PREL KDEM ASEC KINR HA
SUBJECT: PROSPECTS FOR FANMI LAVALAS IN THE 2010 ELECTIONS 
 
REF: 04 PORT AU PRINCE 538 
 
Classified By: Ambassador Kenneth Merten for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) 
 
¶1. (C) SUMMARY: The two main factions of Fanmi Lavalas, the 
political party of ousted former president Jean-Bertrand 
Aristide, are collaborating to mitigate the risk of their 
exclusion from legislative and presidential elections in 
¶2010.  Although a united Lavalas would be the largest party 
in Haiti, their differences are many and both factions are 
short of money.  In addition, President Preval continues to 
entice many influential FL members into his political 
movement, further weakening FL as an opposition party. 
Despite its popular appeal, FL is unlikely to be a viable 
contending force, unless its leaders manage to present a 
united front. This cable also provides biographical data on 
key members of Fanmi Lavalas who will play a role in any 
unification effort. END SUMMARY. 
 
One Party, Two ''Families'' 
--------------------------- 
 
¶2. (C) Fanmi Lavalas (FL) has been divided for some time into 
a faction loyal to Aristide that remains in contact with him, 
and a second faction of former and current Lavalas officials 
who hope to amend the party's charter and ease an 
increasingly irrelevant Aristide out of the leadership role. 
The Aristide loyalists, headed by Maryse Narcisse, enjoy the 
support of most grassroots activists, but Yvon Neptune (a 
former Prime Minister), Yves Cristalin, and other moderates 
are bolstered by international attention and a complicated 
relationship with President Rene Preval, himself a former 
Aristide ally.  Several Lavalas activists and elected 
officials have tried, with varying degrees of success, to 
remain above the fray. 
 
¶3. (C) The Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) used this 
division to exclude FL from the Senatorial elections in 2009. 
 The two factions presented two contradictory lists of 
candidates, making it easy for the CEP to eliminate all FL 
candidates with the tacit approval (if not at the request) of 
President Preval.  The division, combined with a lack of 
financial resources, also slowly weakened FL's popular appeal 
and its ability to rally people in the streets. 
 
¶4. (C) Preval has managed to entice several Fanmi Lavalas 
figures into his ''fold.''  Leslie Voltaire and Yves 
Cristalin are both advisors to Preval (the latter has been 
named Minister of Social Affairs in the government of 
Jean-Max Bellerive). Lavalas Senators Francky Exius and Yvon 
Buissereth aligned themselves with Preval's LESPWA majority 
in the Senate to remove Prime Minister Michele Pierre Louis. 
 
Talking Again? 
-------------- 
 
¶5. (C) With upcoming legislative and presidential elections 
in 2010, the two main factions seem determined to avoid being 
excluded once again.  They are engaged in talks with the 
purpose of presenting one common list of candidates.  There 
is even talk of a FL National Congress in December, to 
formalize and unify the FL structure.  However, Preval is 
unlikely to want a strong opposition FL presence in the 
elections and is creating a broad political movement 
(septel), into which he is enticing influential opposition 
and regional leaders, including FL members.  FL members on 
both sides complain that they are in dire need of financial 
support, as Aristide does not seem to be funneling money to 
the party.  As a result, the promise of access to resources 
and power is likely to convert many FL members to Preval's 
movement, thus further eroding FL's position as an opposition 
party.  Preval,s ability to reach out to Cristalin, 
Voltaire, Exius and Buissereth (as well as key leaders in 
opposition parties like OPL and FUSION) testifies to his 
influence.  Nevertheless, FL's popular base, even if 
mitigated, makes it the only viable counter-force to Preval, 
should its leaders manage to reunite into a common front. 
 
¶6. (U) The remainder of this cable provides biographical 
information on certain key members of Fanmi Lavalas. 
 
Aristide Loyalists 
------------------ 
 
¶7. (C) The Executive Committee purports to manage the affairs 
of Fanmi Lavalas in Aristide's absence.  The committee's 
members call for the immediate return of Aristide, who 
remains the party's ''National Representative,'' but say he 
wants security guarantees before leaving South Africa.  They 
are closely allied with a number of militants and ''popular 
organization'' leaders, including Rene Civil.  The Executive 
Committee was not constituted in accordance with the party's 
charter, which foresees a complicated series of regional 
elections in local FL committees that culminate in the 
election of delegates to the Executive Committee, but the 
committee is nonetheless widely believed to operate on 
Aristide's behalf.  The committee often uses the facilities 
of the Aristide Foundation to organize meetings and protests. 
 
¶8. (C) Maryse Narcisse, ''Coordinator'' of the FL Executive 
Committee and self-described spokeswoman of Jean-Bertrand 
Aristide, was formerly his private secretary.  She claims to 
have made four trips to see Aristide since 2004, according to 
a late-2008 MINUSTAH report.  Narcisse was kidnapped for 
ransom and released in late 2007, an act she implies was 
somehow directed by the National Palace.  A doctor by 
training, she was once the Director General of the Ministry 
of Health and also was assigned to Haiti's Mission to the 
United Nations, according to Lavalas's website.  Narcisse 
lived in New York for an unknown period of time and may be a 
U.S. legal permanent resident.  She speaks English but 
prefers French. 
 
¶9. (C) Rene Civil, formally the head of the ''Mobilization 
Committee'' of Narcisse's branch of the party, is perhaps the 
party's best-known activist.  Leader of the "Youth Popular 
Power" (JPP) organization, he is invariably behind the 
marches commemorating Aristide's birthday, his first 
election, the ''coup d'etat'' of 2004, and the anniversary of 
the party's founding. 
 
¶10. (C) Jacques Methalier, Executive Committee member and 
former departmental official during Aristide's second term as 
president, has been accused of involvement in political 
violence in the past.  He was Lavalas's Senate candidate in 
the South department for the April 2009 elections, but 
Lavalas candidates were excluded from those elections by the 
Provisional Electoral Council. 
 
¶11. (C) Renan Armstrong Charlot, a doctor by training, is the 
newest addition to the Executive Committee.  Young and 
energetic, he is responsible for the steady stream of press 
releases that issue from the Executive Committee. 
 
¶12. (C) Lionel Etienne, Executive Committee member, is a 
former member of the Chamber of Deputies. 
 
¶13. (C) The Aristide Foundation for Democracy was reportedly 
founded in 1995 at the conclusion of President Aristide's 
first term in office, but its activities were dramatically 
curtailed when Aristide departed the country.  Two reports by 
the Interim Government's Central Financial Intelligence Unit 
(UCREF) in 2005 found serious irregularities in the 
Foundation's books that it concluded were signs of 
significant corruption.  The Foundation is regularly used to 
house political activities and launch demonstrations 
organized by the Executive Committee.  Toussaint Hilaire is 
the foundation's director.  In January 2009, Hilaire 
announced that the Aristide Foundation's university, also 
located in Tabarre, would offer Spanish language courses to 
prepare students to take courses full-time at the university 
with Cuban instructors.  The Haitian State University (UEH) 
rector still disputes the Foundation's claim to the 
university on the grounds that it was built with public funds. 
 
''Moderates'' 
------------- 
 
¶14. (C) Although the moderates refrain from publicly criticizing Aristide, their distaste for the former president -- and desire to replace him -- might be the worst-kept secret in Haiti. With international interlocutors, they denounce Narcisse's followers as a bunch of ''bandits and thugs.'' Their efforts to amend the party's charter and name a new National Representative have been hampered by a lack of strategic planning and grassroots backing. They established a ''Facilitation Group'' and then an interim committee (''l'Equipe Responsable'') to attempt to consolidate support. Cristalin, Coffy, and Francisque are the main organizers in this faction. 
 
¶15. (C) Yvon Neptune, former prime minister under Aristide, 
is leader of the moderate faction but tries to maintain a 
certain distance from its activities for tactical reasons. 
He is widely distrusted (or worse) by Aristide loyalists for 
his alleged complicity in Aristide's departure.  He was 
detained for some time by the Interim Government in 2004. 
Neptune was widely believed to be considering running as a 
2011 presidential candidate.  He seems to lack popular 
support and has indicated to embassy contacts that he is not 
interested in running. 
 
¶16. (C) Yves Cristalin, a leader of the Equipe Responsable 
and former president of the Chamber of Deputies, was named a 
counselor to President Preval in June 2009.  He is an 
economist by training and was Preval's point man on the 
controversial minimum wage dispute.  Cristalin is a founding 
member of FL, but is driven by personal ambitions.  He is 
reported to be cozying up to Preval's political movement, and 
is Jean-Max Bellerive's pick for Minister of Social Affairs 
in the new government. 
 
¶17. (C) Deputy Jonas Coffy, a former advisor to Yvon Neptune 
when the latter was prime minister, is a senior official at 
the private National Diplomatic and Consular Academy since 
¶2004.  Coffy was born in Petit Goave on August 19, 1969. 
 
¶18. (C) Stephen Francisque, a former secretary for state for 
literacy before Aristide's departure, has also joined the 
moderates, although he is more active behind the scenes than 
publicly. 
 
¶19. (C) Annette Auguste, usually called ''So Ann'' (Sister 
Anne), is an Executive Committee member and a well known 
militant with a wide following.  She publicly broke with the 
rest of Executive Committee in October 2008, but occasionally 
appears at rallies organized by the Committee to celebrate 
important Lavalas anniversaries.  She lived in New York for 
an extended period (starting in 1968), and returned with 
Aristide in 1994.  She and her husband occasionally appear at 
events sponsored by Lavalas moderates. 
 
¶20. (C) Jocelerme Privert, former Interior Minister until 
Aristide's departure in 2004, is suspected of involvement in 
political violence and suppressing anti-Aristide protests 
during that period (reftel).  He attempted to run for Senate 
as an independent with the support of moderates, but his 
candidacy was rejected by the electoral authorities on 
technical grounds (his certification attesting to his 
responsible management of public funds - required for former 
officials who seek elected office -- was declared invalid). 
 
¶21. (C) Angelot Bell, former Director General of the Ministry 
of Interior during Aristide's second term, was credibly 
accused of arming chimeres and sponsoring other political 
violence before Aristide's departure (reftel).  He attempted 
to run for Senate in April 2009 with the moderates' support, 
although he has not otherwise taken a visible role in the 
moderates ongoing dispute with Aristide loyalists. 
 
Assorted Elected Officials 
-------------------------- 
 
¶22. (C) Senator Rudy Heriveaux, who registered Lavalas for 
the elections in 2006, sometimes claims to represent the 
party on that basis, despite his lack of formal authority or 
grassroots support.  He is a constant foil to Preval, who 
made him various promises in exchange for Heriveaux's support 
of Prime Minister Michele Pierre-Louis's confirmation in 2008 
but never delivered.  He aligned himself with Narcisse when 
 
the latter registered Fanmi Lavalas for the 2009 elections, 
but later publicly doubted the authenticity of Narcisse's 
supposed mandate from Aristide to lead the party.  He played 
an active role in countering LESPWA's move to remove 
Pierre-Louis in the Senate, engaging in the attempted Haitian 
version of a filibuster by dragging on the interpellation 
session for more than 10 hours. 
 
¶23. (C) Deputy Sorel Francois, ally of Heriveaux, is more 
sympathetic to Narcisse than Cristalin and quite 
knowledgeable regarding Lavalas affiliated ''popular 
organizations'' and planned protests.  He attended community 
college and worked in Philadelphia, and frequently travels to 
the United States.  He was born in 1969 and speaks excellent 
English. 
 
¶24. (SBU) Senator Yvon Buissereth frequently aligns himself 
with LESPWA in the Senate but occasionally joins the 
moderates in their disputes with Aristide loyalists.  He was 
elected as Questeur (equivalent to treasurer) in the Senate 
in September 2009, and was one of the Senators to have 
instigated the interpellation and removal of Pierre Louis. 
 
Lavalas Activists in Other Political Parties 
-------------------------------------------- 
 
¶25. (C) Franky Exius, a former Lavalas deputy and 
unsuccessful Senate candidate, again ran for Senate in April 
2009 under the banner of Lespwa.  He sought the FL nomination 
for Senate, but his candidacy was rejected by Narcisse, he 
says.  He won the seat with a very small margin, beating the 
UCCADHE candidate Laguerre.  Then CEP Vice-President Rodol 
Pierre, believed to be at the head of UCCADHE, denounced 
fraud in the South.  Exius' win is one of the two contested 
departmental elections in the 2009 Senatorial race.  Despite 
his choice to distance himself from the Fanmi Lavalas 
organization, he seems to genuinely want Aristide to return. 
He is divorced and formerly worked in the Ministry of 
Planning. 
 
¶26. (C) Moise Jean-Charles, a Lavalas militant, is reportedly 
counselor to President Preval.  He won the Senate seat in the 
North in the 2009 Senatorial race.  He was allegedly at the 
head of a group of Lavalas partisans that opened fire on 
anti-Aristide protests in Cap Haitien in 2003, and he is 
rumored to have participated in other political violence as 
well, including involvement in the murder of the cousin of a 
Deputy in the North. 
 
¶27. (C) John Joel Joseph is a Lavalas-affiliated, Cite-Soleil 
based activist who ran for Senate and won in 2009 under the 
Lespwa banner.  Reportedly close to President Preval, Joseph 
faced persistent accusations that his campaign unfairly 
benefitted from state resources and funding.  His detractors 
paint him as a semiliterate thug with no real public policy 
interests or background, and he is credibly believed to have 
links to kidnappings. 
 
¶28. (C) Eric Jean-Jacques, former president of the Chamber of 
Deputies (2006-2009).  He was elected in 2006 under the 
Lespwa banner but relations with Preval had deteriorated by 
late 2008.  Jean-Jacques unsuccessfully sought the Lavalas 
nomination in the West Department for the 2009 Senate 
elections, according to a MINUSTAH report.  He is developing 
a new political party (named REMAMBRE), drawing from the 
ranks of Lavalas sympathizers including Leslie Voltaire 
(current advisor to President Preval).  Jean-Jacques owns a 
large distillery and speaks excellent English.  He sought 
medical care in Cuba in late 2007, reportedly for prostate 
cancer. 
 
¶29. (C) Jean Henry Ceant is Aristide's notary and personal friend. He is rumored to be a Presidential candidate, and leads a new political movement (AIMER HAITI) that also draws on the ranks of Lavalas symphathizers and former officials under Aristide (many now in the diaspora). Ceant was an early supporter of Aristide, and is thought to have helped Aristide in meeting property ownership requirements so he could run for President. Ceant's brother, Harry Ceant, was at the head of CONATEL (Haiti's equivalent of the Federal Communications Commission) under Aristide. Ceant's wealth (by Haitian standards), combined with his ties to Aristide, raises suspicions about his past dealings.
MERTEN