VZCZCXRO4699
RR RUEHAG RUEHAST RUEHDA RUEHDBU RUEHDF RUEHFL RUEHIK RUEHKW RUEHLA
RUEHLN RUEHNP RUEHPOD RUEHROV RUEHSK RUEHSL RUEHSR RUEHVK RUEHYG
DE RUEHLZ #0015/01 1830832
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 020832Z JUL 09
FM AMCONSUL LEIPZIG
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 0146
INFO RUEHRL/AMEMBASSY BERLIN 0048
RUCNFRG/FRG COLLECTIVE
RUEHZL/EUROPEAN POLITICAL COLLECTIVE
RUEHLZ/AMCONSUL LEIPZIG 0154

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 LEIPZIG 000015 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPARTMENT FOR EUR/CE 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PREL PHUM PGOV GM
SUBJECT: RIGHT-WING EXTREMISTS WIN MINOR GAINS IN EASTERN GERMANY'S 
COMMUNAL ELECTIONS 
 
REF: A. 08 LEIPZIG 21, B. 07 LEIPZIG 20 
 
LEIPZIG 00000015  001.2 OF 002 
 
 
SENSITIVE BUT UNCLASSIFIED - NOT FOR INTERNET DISTRIBUTION 
 
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Summary 
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¶1.  (U) The right-wing extremist "National Democratic Party of 
Germany" (NPD) achieved minor gains in the June 7 communal 
elections in the eastern states of Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt, and 
Thuringia, had an increase in support in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern 
(M-V) from .08 to 3.2 percent of the vote statewide (as compared 
to 7 percent in 2006 state elections).  These gains might serve 
to increase the NPD's influence throughout the region.  The NPD 
also made inroads in urban areas, which could be attributed to 
the party's recruitment of candidates from bands of right-wing 
extremists called "Free Comradeships" (Ref A).  By building on a 
small but reliable voter base, the NPD could win seats in 
upcoming state parliamentary elections in Saxony and Thuringia. 
A history of poor conduct by sitting representatives, however, 
and a lack of hot-button issues to rally voters to its side 
might cripple the party's chances in state elections.  End 
Summary. 
 
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COURT RULING HELPS NPD PICK UP COMMUNAL COUNCIL SEATS 
--------------------------------------------- -------- 
 
¶2.  (U) A February 2008 Federal Constitutional Court decision 
struck down states' ability to maintain or establish a 5 percent 
threshold for parties to win city council seats (a threshold 
that also exists at the federal level to win seats in the 
Bundestag).  Intended to counter discrimination against smaller 
parties, this allowed the right-wing extremist NPD to get seats 
in city and communal councils despite a low percentage of votes 
in the June 7 communal elections.  In the 2004 communal 
elections, the NPD did not run in Dresden, Leipzig, or 
Magdeburg, although another, smaller, right-wing extremist party 
-- the Deutsche Soziale Union -- ran in Leipzig and Dresden and 
won about 2 percent of the vote. 
 
¶3.  (U) In Saxony, the NPD won only 2.3 percent of the total 
vote yet increased its number of seats in communal councils 
state-wide from 26 to 72 (still lower than the NPD's predicted 
win of 100 seats).  In M-V the NPD received 3.2 percent of the 
vote, quadruple the percentage it got in the 2004 communal 
elections but substantially less than the 7 percent it won in 
the 2006 state elections.  In Ueckermuende, M-V, the NPD 
actually outperformed the SPD winning 12.1 percent, compared to 
11.8 (the Left Party led with 35.2, CDU won 29.5).  In Thuringia 
the NPD garnered 3.1 percent; it did not run in prior communal 
elections in the state. 
 
¶4.  (U) Despite these gains, the NPD suffered losses in rural 
areas compared to its showing five years ago (although still 
gaining some seats in councils, as noted in para 2).  In 
Saxony's NPD stronghold Limbach-Oberfrohna, the party received 
3.9 percent, almost a 50 percent drop.  In Saxony's Koenigstein, 
also a NPD stronghold, the vote percentage dropped from 21 to 9 
percent.  Notably, the NPD's worst performance - 0.9 percent - 
was in Mittelsachsen, the only Saxony county with a commissioner 
to fight extremism.  The NPD made negligible gains in urban 
areas, winning 3 percent in Leipzig, Dresden, Magdeburg, Erfurt, 
and Rostock; in 2004, right-wing extremist parties either did 
not run in urban communal elections or received negligible votes 
(usually less than 2 percent). 
 
-------------------------------------------- 
EMPLOYING OLD AND NEW TACTICS TO GAIN VOTERS 
-------------------------------------------- 
 
¶5.  (SBU) In this round of elections, the NPD focused on 
improving internal coordination, campaigning, and networking in 
urban areas.  Heike Habeck of the Regional Center for Democratic 
Culture, Bad Doberan, M-V, credited the NPD's organizational 
efforts for contributing to its success in M-V.  According to 
Habeck, the NPD continues to fill gaps in activities for rural 
youth.  It has established tutoring services, cooking classes, 
and sport clubs in communities that otherwise provide few social 
outlets or leisure activities.  The NPD uses this access to 
instill the mostly young participants with right-wing extremist 
views (Ref B).  As a result, the NPD saw some improvement in 
popular support and was able to win a small number of votes, and 
increase its wins in cities. 
 
¶6.  (U) The NPD's candidates in the communal elections give 
credence to a previously unproven but assumed direct connection 
between the NPD and "Free Comradeships," which are loosely bound 
 
LEIPZIG 00000015  002.2 OF 002 
 
 
groups of right-wing extremists that were thought to operate 
independently of the NPD (Ref A).  According to a recent article 
in "Der Spiegel," 300 NPD candidates in the communal elections 
across eastern Germany were known members of "Free 
Comradeships;" this was four times the number that participated 
in the last communal elections.  This demonstrates a direct 
connection between the groups and also highlights the effort the 
NPD made in putting forth large numbers of candidates, 
particularly in some areas with a dearth of mainstream 
candidates running for local office.  Indeed, two communities in 
M-V cancelled elections for lack of candidates. 
 
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COMMENT 
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¶7. (SBU) The NPD has the strong support of committed right-wing 
extremists.  It has achieved minimal gains since the last 
communal elections in eastern Germany but overall performed 
poorly in communal elections across eastern Germany.  Still, the 
NPD is better organized and is working directly with members of 
the "Free Comradeships."  The removal of the 5 percent threshold 
means the NPD now has gotten a foothold in local government and 
can spread its influence in city and county councils.  How the 
NPD uses this influence and if it will have any bearing on 
Saxony and Thuringia state elections on August 30 remains to be 
seen.  NPD representatives in state parliaments have earned poor 
reputations for their behavior and are unlikely to perform 
better at the communal level.  Recent bad press has centered not 
only on NPD policies, but also on a range of unprofessional and 
illegal activities, including smuggling weapons into state 
parliament buildings, downloading child pornography, and 
committing fraud.  Finally, the NPD's greatest successes have 
depended on high social dissatisfaction.  In the 2004 state 
elections, for example, voters rallied around the NPD's 
opposition to unpopular social welfare reforms.  Today, however, 
the NPD lacks similar hot-button issues to attract disaffected 
voters. 
 
¶8.  (U) In a separate development, the NPD has decided to run in 
the Brandenburg state elections, breaking a 2005 national 
agreement with the right-wing "German People's Union"(DVU) that 
the DVU and NPD would not compete with each other in any state 
election.   Since 1999, the DVU has run and won seats in the 
Brandenburg state parliament.  The head of the Brandenburg 
Office for the Protection of the Constitution commented that 
this indicates the NPD's efforts to strengthen its leadership 
role in the right-wing extremist spectrum.  End Comment. 
 
¶9.  (U) This is a joint message from ConGens Leipzig and Hamburg 
and was coordinated with Embassy Berlin. 
BRUCKERK