O 130815Z FEB 09
FM AMEMBASSY ATHENS
TO SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 3178

C O N F I D E N T I A L ATHENS 000191 
 
 
FOR EUR/PPD, EUR/SE AND ECA 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/13/2019 
TAGS: PGOV KAPO OPRC OEXC SCUL GR
SUBJECT: THE SORRY STATE OF THE GREEK EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM: 
A CHALLENGE FOR U.S. PUBLIC DIPLOMACY PART I 
 
Classified By: Ambassador Daniel V. Speckhard for reasons 1.4 (b) (d) 
 
¶1.  (C)  Summary:  This is the first of two cables on the 
challenges created by the Greek educational system for U.S. 
public diplomacy in Greece.  This cable will describe the 
state of the sector and current attempts to reform it.  The 
second cable will describe how we are reaching out to Greek 
youth despite these obstacles. 
 
¶2.  (C)  The Greek public educational system is in disarray, 
the victim of years of fiscal neglect, political wrangling, 
and a sad evolution to a lowest common denominator approach, 
where the rights of students to demonstrate and disrupt 
classes trump the rights of all to a quality education. 
Politically-affiliated student groups wield increasing power, 
including in decisions which in other countries are normally 
left to school administrators.  Those students who are 
serious about trying to do well in school and gain admittance 
to a good university are forced to enroll in costly 
after-hours private lessons to succeed.  Private schools and 
universities face their own problems, as government after 
government has bowed to political pressure to keep them -- 
and their degrees -- on the periphery, so as not to undermine 
further the weak public educational system.  Teachers are 
underpaid, rectors and administrators are cowed, parents are 
frustrated, and students are growing increasingly hostile and 
defiant.  These elements, we believe, played a role in the 
violent youth demonstrations of last December. 
 
¶3.  (C)  New Minister of Education Spiliotopoulos has pledged 
to try and defuse this ticking time bomb with a series of 
"clean slate" talks meant to smooth the relations between the 
government, student groups and educators in the hopes of 
finding solutions, but it remains to be seen whether the New 
Democracy party has the mettle, means and muscle to implement 
badly-needed reforms.  End summary. 
 
The Greek Public Educational System:  Just How Bad Is It? 
--------------------------------------------- ------------ 
 
¶4.  (C)  The Greek public school system has been on a 
downward trajectory for some time now.  Years of financial 
neglect have taken their toll on structures, faculty and 
curricula.  Many public schools are old, and suffer from 
vandalism and neglect.  It is not unheard of to see a public 
school with broken windows, insufficient heating, or 
substandard plumbing.  Special needs classes or facilities 
are nonexistent, as are college advisors.  Most public 
schools do not offer extracurricular activities such as 
sports or music as a positive outlet for youthful energy. 
While the average EU country spends 5 percent of its total 
budget on education each year, in 2008 Greece spent only 3 
percent, down from 3.61 percent in 2004. 
 
¶5.  (C)  Teachers are underpaid but heavily unionized.  The 
Greek Union of Secondary School Teachers -- OLME -- does not 
hesitate to protest or to close schools via strike.  Primary 
and secondary school teachers take national exams to qualify, 
but once they are hired, there is no mechanism by which the 
state can evaluate their performance (the same holds true for 
university professors).  A typical starting salary for a 
secondary school teacher is 1200 euro per month 
(approximately 1600 dollars), while an average salary for a 
high school teacher with ten years of experience is 1500 euro 
per month (approximately 2000 dollars).  Because of their low 
salaries, teachers often go on strike to demand pay raises. 
A large majority also resort to offering after-hours 
tutoring, either on a one-on-one basis or through private 
institutes ("frontistiria") to supplement their incomes. 
 
Frontistiria and Parallel Education 
----------------------------------- 
 
¶6.  (C) Frontistiria were first introduced in the 1970s as a 
way to help underachieving students keep up with their 
classmates.  Today, an estimated 90 percent of Greek high 
school students attend a frontistirio for at least one course 
(particularly foreign languages and university exam 
preparation).  The Ministry of Education reports that 
country-wide there are 2,642 frontistiria for university exam 
preparation, and 7,360 foreign language frontistiria.  Yearly 
frontistiria fees, depending on student need, can run up to 
more than 5000 euro (6600 dollars), making it extremely 
lucrative for teachers and owners of frontistiria.  Rates 
vary according to subject, level, and location of the 
frontistirio; university entrance exam classes can range 
between 40-70 euro (53-93 dollars) per hour.  According to 
the Ministry of Education, in 2007 Greek families paid 569 
million euro (approximately 757 million dollars) to 
frontistiria to prepare their children for university 
entrance exams, and 437 million euro (approximately 595 
million dollars) for foreign language instruction at 
frontistiria. 
 
¶7.  (C)  The frontistirio phenomenon today is a 
self-perpetuating black marketQ Underpaid public school 
teachers have few incentives to work hard in the classroom 
when they can make more money teaching in the frontistiria. 
The level of instruction in the regular classroom decreases 
and students pay less attention, and their performance 
suffers.  Parents, concerned that their children will not be 
competitive, enroll them in frontistiria, where the level of 
instruction (by the same teachers) and the level of learning 
(by the same students) are higher.   Unfortunately, despite 
this parallel education, Greek students are not keeping up 
with their European counterparts.  A 2006 OECD study found 
that, out of 27 EU countries surveyed, 15-year-old Greek 
students came in 25th, 26th, and 27th in reading, science and 
math, respectively. 
 
¶8.  (C)  The place that the frontistiria have come to occupy 
in Greek life -- employer, moneymaker and education provider 
-- makes it exceedingly difficult for any government to raise 
the issue of serious educational reform.  Improving the 
educational system would mean reducing the need for 
frontistiria, with significant political cost to the 
government and financial cost to the state. 
 
Greek Universities:  Powerful Student Unions and Asylum 
--------------------------------------------- ---------- 
 
¶9.  (C)  The situation at universities is also troublesome, 
but for different reasons.  The biggest challenge for Greek 
universities is the overly powerful, politically-affiliated 
student unions.  Greece's university student movement has 
steadily grown in power and influence since 1973, when Athens 
Polytechnic University students became the symbol of popular 
resistance to, and a catalyst for the downfall of, the 
despised military dictatorship ruling Greece at the time. 
The 1973 Polytechnic uprising, in which a number of students 
were crushed by junta tanks on the Polytechnic grounds, gave 
birth to the concept of university "asylum" still in effect 
and used as political capital today.  Incredibly, police and 
other law enforcement officials are barred from entering any 
public school or university premises, for any reason, unless 
the district attorney's office requests and is given approval 
for such action by the university's council (which includes a 
student representative, so approval is never granted.)  As a 
result, abuse of asylum by criminals, anarchists and other 
such groups has grown over the years.  During the extended, 
violent youth demonstrations in Athens and Thessaloniki in 
December 2008, anarchists attacked police, destroyed and 
looted businesses, set fire to vehicles, and then hid out 
behind the safety of university walls, where they proceeded 
to destroy libraries, vandalize classrooms and steal 
computers.  University contacts tell us that, during one 
particularly violent night, a university rector and friendly 
faculty formed a human chain around the university's library 
to protect its rare books collection.  The extent of the 
destruction in December was so disturbing that public calls 
for abolishment of asylum began.  Even the PASOK party, a 
traditionally staunch supporter of asylum, appears to 
recognize that the situation cannot continue.  Louka Katseli, 
PASOK shadow Minister of Economy, recently told the PAO that 
universities should begin employing campus police to stop the 
looting and violence on campuses.  More leftist parties, 
including SYRIZA and the communist (KKE) parties, however, 
have vowed to protect asylum at all costs. 
 
¶10.  (C)  University student unions decide everything from 
sit-ins (frequent) to faculty appointments (highly 
politicized).  Faculty, including rectors, are chosen by a 
board where student union reps have equal say and veto power. 
 Different departments and schools are controlled by 
different political groups, and university leadership is 
often reluctant to take them on.  In many cases, faculty 
themselves belong to political parties and actively support 
student unions, often depending on them for their promotions. 
 
 
No Welcome Mat for the Embassy 
------------------------------ 
 
¶11.  (C)  Anti-Americanism is still quite high in Greek 
universities, and student demonstrations often lead past the 
Embassy.  The highly-politicized and often leftist nature of 
many universities in Greece makes it dangerous for Embassy 
staff to visit campuses and impossible for the Embassy to be 
identified in joint programs.  In the few instances where 
friendly professors can be convinced to take advantage of 
Embassy programs and assistance, we must keep a low profile 
or risk disruption, or worse, of the program by the student 
left.  Even GoG officials have difficulty in entering 
universities.  Former PASOK Minister of Education Venizelos 
tried two years ago, when he was simply a member of 
parliament, to visit the Athens Polytechnic and meet with 
students.  He was rebuffed, and his bodyguards' vehicles were 
vandalized. 
 
Is Private Education the Answer to a Failing System? 
--------------------------------------------- ------- 
 
¶12.  (C)  Article 16 of the Greek Constitution stipulates 
that the Greek state is responsible for providing free higher 
education, for all.  This has been interpreted to mean that 
only degrees from public institutions can be recognized by 
the Greek state.  Private colleges and universities in 
Greece, including U.S.-affiliated schools, operate as 
"learning centers," and their degrees are neither recognized 
nor valid for employment in the public sector.  The end 
result is that graduates of private institutions are 
effectively barred from seeking a license for certain 
professions and cannot qualify at all for public sector 
employment.  EU Directive 2005/66 requires recognition of 
professional qualifications of university graduates who earn 
their degrees at local, private EU schools.  Despite an EU 
court-ordered decision that Greece must comply by October 
2007, so far Greece has not acceded to the EU directive.  If 
Greece eventually complies with the EU directive but does not 
also include American-affiliated institutions, those 
institutions will be greatly disadvantaged -- something the 
Embassy is working hard to avoid. 
 
¶13.  (C)  The Embassy spends a considerable amount of time 
advocating on behalf of U.S. institutions operating in 
Greece.  It is noteworthy that children of many Greek 
officials from across the political spectrum attend private 
secondary school and/or private university in Greece.  The 
GoG appears to recognize the value of the U.S.-style 
education these institutions provide and has demonstrated 
willingness to work with us to regularize the status of these 
institutions and implement a transparent accreditation system 
for recognition of degrees.  The GoG prefers to keep these 
discussions low-profile, however, given the expected negative 
reaction from the left and from student groups about 
perceived erosion of the "free and for all" educational 
promise. 
 
What About Reform? 
------------------ 
 
¶14.  (C)  Educational reform has been a hot topic in Greece 
for years. In January 2006, Prime Minister Karamanlis 
announced a plan to reform higher education; the ensuing mass 
student protests and occupQon of university buildings 
closed schools for weeks at a time.  Former Minister of 
Education Marietta Yannakou lost her parliamentary seat in 
the 2007 elections after pushing an unpopular university 
overhaul.  However, PM Karamanlis reiterated on January 25 of 
this year that education reform remains a top priority for 
his government.  In an effort to boost the GoG's image on the 
educational front after the December 2008 events, PM 
Karamanlis replaced Minister of Education Stylianides with 
Aris Spiliotopoulos. A young ND member who has served on 
student unions and as ND press spokesman, Spiliotopoulos is 
supposed to embody ND outreach to youth.  Privately we have 
been told by politicians on both sides of the spectrum that 
Spiliotopoulos is considered a political lightweight. 
Nevertheless, there appears to be broad agreement that the 
situation cannot remain as it is.  An MRB poll released on 
February 9th showed that 85 percent of Greek respondents 
believe there must be changes to the secondary education 
system, and another 75.9 percent supported changes in the 
university entrance exam system. 
 
"Clean Slate Dialogue" 
---------------------- 
 
¶15.  (C)  Spiliotopoulos' first announcement as Minister of 
Education was that the government is launching a new dialogue 
with a "clean sate."  The dialogue starts from square one 
fo the restructuring of secondary education and th 
university entry system.  Since his entry on the job, 
Spiliotopoulos has created a high-level cross-party 
parliamentary Council on Primary and Secondary Education. 
This council, which is charged with improving the university 
entrance system, is chaired by well-respected, former 
University of Athens rector Professor George Babiniotis. 
However, its function overlaps with the portfolio of the 
National Council of Education, created by the former Minister 
of Education and headed by the equally-respected Thanos 
Veremis.  Already there has been conflict between the 
chairmen of the two councils over who takes the lead in the 
education reform dialogue. 
 
¶16.  (C)  Veremis recently threatened he will leave his post 
if the government is not serious about reforms, adding "they 
may be playing for time."  Veremis has proposed incorporating 
public (free) frontistiria into high school and reducing the 
number of classes taught from 12 to 6, so they can be covered 
in more depth.  Proposals by Babiniotis, with which Veremis 
disagrees, would be to eliminate university exams altogether 
and allow students to enter university based on their grades 
in the final year of high school.  Universities would then 
evaluate a student after the first year in university. 
Critics of both argue that this "top-down" approach to reform 
is backward; that the educational system is fundamentally 
flawed and requires a serious revamping from the bottom up, 
starting with primary school.  The president of OLME, Kostas 
Maniatis, insists that the main problem with the Greek 
secondary school system is not structural, but financial and 
that the state should provide more funds instead of reopening 
dialogue on reform.  And as far as U.S.-affiliated 
institutions are concerned, for the time being, 
Spiliotopoulos has put the issue of accreditation of private 
institutions on hold. 
 
Comment 
------- 
 
¶17.  (C)  Whatever steps the new Minister of Education takes 
in the coming months, ND is still trying to recover from the 
aftermath of the December demonstrations and a resulting drop 
in the polls that has put opposition PASOK ahead by at least 
three percentage points.  While Spiliotopoulos may be 
charismatic, his relative lack of experience may be a 
hindrance.  There is a widespread impression that the 
selection of Spiliotopoulos as Minister of Education is an 
indication that Karamanlis is not interested in real 
educational reform but rather in keeping up appearances until 
general elections.  Spiliotopoulos' education reform gurus 
are already feuding, and the teachers' union doesn't want to 
talk about reform.  The fact that the focus of discussions so 
far is on entrance to universities rather than on the real 
overhaul needed in secondary education and on a move at all 
levels from rote learning to critical thinking indicates that 
the government may miss yet another opportunity for real 
educational reform. 
 
 
SPECKHARD