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C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 09 USUN NEW YORK 001173 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/03/2014 
TAGS: BP BX CB CH ECON FJ FM ID JA KR KS LA MG
MY, NH, NR, NZ, PHUM, PP, PREL, PS, RM, RP, SN, TH, TN, TV, 
UNGA, VM, WS, XB 
SUBJECT: 63RD UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY:  EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC 
ISLANDS' PERFORMANCE 
 
REF: (A) USUN NEW YORK 2261 (B) USUN NEW YORK 01040 
 
Classified By: POLITICAL MINISTER COUNSELOR JEFF DELAURENTIS FOR REASON 
S 1.4 (B & D) 
 
 
SUMMARY AND INTRODUCTION: 
 
¶1. (U) This cable was prepared by Ambassador Joan Plaisted, 
who served as Senior Area Adviser for East Asia and the 
Pacific to the 63rd United Nations General Assembly. 
 
¶2. (U) To achieve U.S. objectives for the 63rd UN General 
Assembly (UNGA) session, East Asian and Pacific Islands 
support was essential.  During the General Debate the United 
States sought to advance priorities on democracy and human 
rights and on regional issues, including Georgia, Kosovo, 
Burma, Iran, Sudan/Darfur, and the Middle East, and to 
demonstrate U.S. leadership on the issues of development and 
food security.  During the remainder of the General Assembly 
we pressed for other U.S. priorities, such as human rights, 
UN reform, including reform of the UN Security Council, and 
improving voting coincidence with the U.S. in the General 
Assembly.  The President of the General Assembly, Miquel 
d'Escoto Brockmann, a former Sandinista, had his own 
priorities.  These included democratization of the UN (i.e. 
strengthening the GA vis-a-vis the Security Council) and 
addressing hunger, poverty, and rising food and oil prices. 
Dedicating his presidency to "the dispossessed of the world," 
he cited the "lack of democracy in the UN" as one of the 
reasons the world is in a "deplorable state" today.  He took 
numerous jabs at the U.S. throughout the session. 
 
¶3. (U) EAP votes were especially helpful on three Middle East 
resolutions the United States identified as top priorities. 
Although these still passed by overwhelming margins, the 
Pacific Islanders accounted for the majority of the "no" 
votes with the United States and for many of the abstentions. 
 Voting "no" with the United States and Israel, along with 
Canada, were Australia, the Marshall Islands, Micronesia, 
Nauru, and Palau. 
 
¶4. (SBU) A top U.S. priority this session was to ensure 
passage of the Iran human rights resolution.  First we had to 
prevent a no-action motion (a motion to adjourn debate that 
ends all discussion of an issue) from passing in the Third 
Committee.  This motion failed by only one vote in 2007 and 
two votes in 2006.  All out efforts by USUN, Washington, and 
our Posts ensured the no-action motion on the Iran human 
rights resolution failed by what the Canadian sponsors termed 
a "stunning" ten vote margin in the Third Committee.  EAP 
votes also helped defeat a no-action motion on Burma.  The 
Third Committee subsequently passed all three human rights 
resolutions: on Iran, Burma, and the DPRK.  On our top 
priority, many EAP countries in the Third Committee cast 
welcome "no" votes with us to defeat the Iran no-action 
motion: Japan, the ROK, Mongolia, Timor-Leste, and 13 of the 
14 Pacific Islands (all except the Solomon Islands).  We were 
able to pick up two more "no" votes when Kiribati got in its 
proxy and Tuvalu's Permrep reluctantly carried out his good 
instructions from capital.  Kiribati for the first time was 
able to join all the Third Committee human rights votes.  On 
Burma, two ASEAN countries (Indonesia and the Philippines) 
abstained on the no-action motion and four (Indonesia, the 
Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand) abstained on the human 
rights resolution in the Third Committee. On the DPRK human 
rights resolution, the welcome news this year was the ROK's 
being able to vote "yes" rather than abstaining.  Third 
Committee items are expected to come up in the Plenary for a 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001173  002 OF 009 
 
 
vote on December 18; we again need active lobbying efforts by 
posts. 
 
¶5. (C) The votes of Pacific Islanders, which now number 14 
counting Australia and New Zealand, can no longer be taken 
for granted.  While not exactly a voting bloc, the islands 
are an influential group whose votes are increasingly 
solicited by others.  The U.S. is not always seen as 
supportive on the issues of most importance to them: climate 
change and sustainable development.  Some island Permreps are 
being actively courted by Iran, Venezuela, and Cuba, among 
others, and may be influenced by who can give them 
assistance.  One Permrep put it most colorfully, speaking 
about both the Pacific Islands and the Africans, "we are here 
to get the goodies."  Tuvalu's Permrep, when the Senior 
Advisor asked if he considered principles in his human rights 
votes, replied, "of course, but in reality, as a small island 
country, we need assistance." 
 
¶6. (C) Looking ahead, Japan will replace Indonesia on the 
Security Council (SC) in 2009-2010, after crushing Iran which 
only received 32 votes to Japan's 158 in the SC election for 
the Asian seat.  Japan, having only announced its candidacy 
in January 2007, lobbied aggressively to be certain to win on 
the first ballot. Vietnam has one more year to serve (then 
Lebanon hopes to win this seat).  The issue of SC enlargement 
will again prove difficult to resolve.  China to date remains 
non-supportive of Japan's permanent membership.  Japan, along 
with Brazil, Germany, and India, has been pushing the UN to 
begin serious intergovernmental negotiations.  The Open-ended 
Working Group (OEWG), where the ROK has been an outspoken 
delegation, has opposed a timeline for intergovernmental 
negotiations.  In a hard-fought compromise that the GA 
President tried to overturn, the OEWG is to focus on the 
framework and modalities for the upcoming intergovernmental 
negotiations that are finally to begin in February 2009 after 
consultations (December 5, 2008 through January 2009). 
 
-------------- 
General Debate 
-------------- 
 
¶7. (U) East Asia and Pacific countries in their speeches 
during the General Debate when almost all of the 192 member 
states addressed the General Assembly discussed the 
deleterious impact of the global food, energy, and financial 
crises on their economies.  Many called for deeper regional 
integration as a means to temper the turbulence in global 
financial markets.  Australia offered details on just how to 
fix it.  China attributed its development success to the 
result of reforms and the opening up of its economy - trends 
it pledged to continue.  Burma claimed that the sooner unjust 
sanctions are revoked, the sooner their country would be in a 
position to become the region's rice bowl and a reliable 
energy source.  Singapore proclaimed the UN's objective 
should be to promote effective government rather than 
democracy to foster national development.  Japan and 
Australia reiterated calls for the total elimination of 
nuclear weapons.  They were joined by others from the region 
in focusing on the need to resolve the North Korean nuclear 
issue.  Japan, the ROK, Australia, and Cambodia were among 
the countries calling on the DPRK to uphold its commitments 
and to continue to pursue progress though the Six-Party 
Talks.  The DPRK lashed out against the United States as "the 
worst peace breaker and human rights violator in the world" 
and blamed the ROK and Japan for failing to redress 
historical grievances. 
 
¶8. (U) Pacific island nations appealed for countries to 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001173  003 OF 009 
 
 
redouble efforts to address climate change and rising sea 
levels, which they maintained threaten the security of their 
people, and sought support for a General Assembly resolution 
on "Security and Climate Change" calling for SC review. 
(Their draft resolution is still being discussed in informal 
consultations).  Kiribati, Tuvalu and Vanuatu called for 
environmental vulnerability to be the key factor to take into 
account for least developed country graduation status.  Fiji 
announced it was unable to schedule elections in early 2009 
as earlier anticipated.  Common themes throughout many of the 
speeches were climate change, the environment, 
counterterrorism, Millennium Development Goals, financing for 
development, trade and debt reform, disarmament, human 
rights, and management and SC reform. 
 
------------------ 
Middle East Issues 
------------------ 
 
¶9. (U) EAP countries were helpful in adding to the "no" votes 
and abstentions on three priority resolutions opposed by the 
United States that extend the mandates of anti-Israeli UN 
programs established more than a generation ago.  These 
programs contribute neither to the achievement of peace in 
the region nor to the goal of UN reform.  The State 
Department, under PL 106-113 (Section 721), is required to 
report by January 15 each year on steps taken to abolish 
certain UN groups, including these three programs. 
 
¶10.  (U) In an unsuccessful attempt to end the mandate of the 
Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices, the 
Plenary vote was 94 for-8(U.S.)against-73 abstain.  Last year 
the vote was 93-8(U.S.)-74.  Voting "no" with the U.S. and 
Israel were Australia, Canada, the Marshall Islands, 
Micronesia, Nauru, and Palau.  Tuvalu, with its erratic 
Permrep, switched to a "yes" vote, after abstaining last 
year, and voting "no" with us in 2005 and 2006.  It would be 
interesting to know if he was operating on instructions from 
his capital.  The Philippines and Thailand again broke ranks 
with ASEAN to abstain.  Also abstaining were Fiji, Japan, the 
ROK, Mongolia, New Zealand, Samoa, Timor-Leste, and Tonga. 
Absent were Kiribati, PNG, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu 
(whose Deputy the Senior Advisor was able to get to come to 
the vote only to be too confused to vote). 
 
¶11. (U) An attempt to end the Division for Palestinian Rights 
of the Secretariat failed by a vote of 106-8(U.S.)-57.  Last 
year the vote was 110-8(U.S.)-54. Again joining the U.S., 
Israel, Canada, and Australia in voting "no" were our 
traditional small island friends - the Marshall Islands, 
Micronesia, Nauru, and Palau.  We picked up two abstentions 
when Fiji switched from an unhelpful "yes" vote and PNG 
switched from being not present last year to abstaining this 
year.  PNG had earlier abstained from 2004 to 2006.  Alas, we 
saw two additional "yes" votes this year cast by the Solomon 
Islands whose Permrep had abstained last year and by 
Timor-Leste who had been not present last year.  Tonga was 
able to abstain for the third year.  The ROK and Thailand 
helpfully maintained their abstentions.  (In 2003 they both 
shifted to abstaining from voting "yes").  Also abstaining 
were Japan, New Zealand, and Samoa. Kiribati, Mongolia, 
Tuvalu, and Vanuatu were absent. 
 
¶12. (U) We also sought unsuccessfully (107-8(U.S.)-57) to 
discontinue the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable 
Rights of the Palestinian People.  Last year the vote was 
109-8(U.S.)-55.  The votes were the same, reflecting the same 
shifts, as for the Division for Palestinian Rights.  Voting 
"no" were Australia, the Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru, 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001173  004 OF 009 
 
 
and Palau.  Abstaining were Fiji, Japan, ROK, New Zealand, 
PNG, Samoa, Thailand, and Tonga. Absent were Kiribati, 
Mongolia, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu.  All other EAP countries voted 
"yes." 
 
¶13.  (SBU) Next year EAP should try to obtain more "no" votes 
from the islanders, including Samoa and Tonga.  We 
 
 
 
 
 
should seek to get Vanuatu to again abstain rather than being 
not present. PNG, which abstained on two of the resolutions, 
should be encouraged to abstain on the Special Committee 
rather than being absent.  Timor-Leste should be urged to at 
least be not present on all three resolutions, rather than 
joining the "yes" votes on two.  (Their Permrep, at the 
Senior Advisor's request, is already reviewing these votes). 
The high cost of maintaining these mandates - $5.5 million 
for FY 2006-2007 for the Division for Palestinian Rights of 
the Secretariat - is a good point to emphasize. 
 
------------------------ 
Human Rights Resolutions 
------------------------ 
 
¶14. (U) EAP posts efforts paid off when the three top 
priority resolutions on the human rights situations in Iran, 
Burma, and the DPRK were adopted by the Third Committee. 
These resolutions still have to be voted on in the Plenary, a 
vote now expected December 18.  Persistent outreach by USUN, 
Washington, and our Ambassadors and embassy staff helped us 
to achieve a 10-vote winning margin on the most critical and 
close of these votes, the Iran no-action motion.  Given that 
the Iran no-action motion failed by only one vote in 2007 and 
two votes in 2006, this year's vote tally showed a very 
concerted and successful effort to change the trend lines. 
The no-action motions called by Iran and Burma had to be 
overcome as part of the arduous process of winning the 
resolution votes.  The no-action motion on Iran failed 
(71-81(U.S.)-28, while the resolution itself was adopted 
70(U.S.)-51-60.  The no-action motion on Burma lost by a wide 
margin (54-90(U.S.)-34), while the actual resolution won by 
an even larger margin (89-(U.S.)-29-63).  The DPRK resolution 
passed with a vote of 95(U.S.)-24-62.  How EAP countries 
voted is outlined in detail below: 
 
¶15. (SBU) Iran no action motion:  71-81(U.S.)-28.  Last 
year's Third Committee vote was 78-79(U.S.)-24.  The 
Canadians, as the resolution's sponsor, said they were 
"stunned" by the ten-vote margin this year.  The U.S. 
co-sponsored.  We picked up two additional EAP "no" votes in 
Kiribati and Tuvalu.  Kiribati was not present and Tuvalu had 
abstained in the Third Committee last year.  PNG maintained 
its good "no" vote, having switched from abstaining in 2006. 
All Pacific Islands voted no with us, except for the Solomon 
Islands that shifted from abstaining in the Third Committee 
last year to voting "yes" this year, a vote cast by their 
maverick Permrep in spite of the Prime Minister's assurances 
that the Solomon Islands would abstain on all votes.  All 
ASEANS voted "yes." 
 
Yes:  Brunei, Cambodia, China, DPRK, Indonesia, Laos, 
Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Solomon Islands, 
Thailand, Vietnam. 
 
No: Australia, Fiji, Japan, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, 
Micronesia, Mongolia, Nauru, New Zealand, Palau, PNG, ROK, 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001173  005 OF 009 
 
 
Samoa, Timor-Leste, Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu. 
 
¶16. (SBU) Iran human rights resolution: 70(U.S.)-51-60.  Last 
year's Third Committee vote was 72(U.S.)-50-55.  We picked up 
an additional "yes" vote when Kiribati cast a proxy vote 
after being absent in the Third Committee last year.  A 
last-minute intervention by our Ambassador in Timor-Leste, 
after their Permrep tipped off the Senior Advisor of their 
plans to abstain, enabled Timor-Leste to vote "yes." 
 
Yes:  Australia, Fiji, Japan, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, 
Micronesia, Nauru, New Zealand, Palau, Samoa, Timor-Leste, 
Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu. 
 
No: China, DPRK, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Vietnam. 
 
Abstain:  Brunei, Laos, Mongolia, PNG, Philippines, ROK, 
Singapore, Solomon Islands, Thailand. 
 
Absent:  Cambodia. 
 
¶17. (U) Burma no action motion: 54-90(U.S.)-34.  Last year's 
Third Committee vote was 54-88(U.S.)-34.  In the Third 
Committee this year we picked up two "no" votes from Kiribati 
(from their being not present last year) and Tuvalu (that 
abstained last year).  Micronesia and Nauru were unusually 
absent, but both delegations have assured us they will vote 
"no" with us in the plenary. Indonesia abstained rather than 
voting "no" as they did last year to show their disgust with 
Burma's regime for murdering peaceful protesters.  The 
Philippines maintained an abstention, but Singapore returned 
to their traditional "yes" vote, after abstaining last year. 
The Solomon Islands voted "yes", having abstained in the 
Third Committee in 2007. 
 
Yes: Brunei, Cambodia, China, DPRK, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, 
Singapore, Solomon Islands, Thailand, Vietnam. 
 
No:  Australia, Fiji, Japan, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, 
Mongolia, New Zealand, Palau, PNG, ROK, Samoa, Timor-Leste, 
Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu. 
 
Abstain: Indonesia, Philippines. 
 
Absent: Micronesia, Nauru. 
 
¶18.  (U) Burma human rights resolution: 89(U.S.)-29-63.  Last 
year's Third Committee vote was 88(U.S.)-24-66.  Because this 
resolution has budgetary implications, it can come up for a 
vote very late in the Plenary when some small countries are 
absent. It was EU-sponsored and the United States again 
co-sponsored.  The resolution strongly calls on the 
government of Myanmar to release all political prisoners, 
including Aung San Suu Kyi.  It also calls on the government 
of Myanmar to permit all political  representatives and 
representatives of ethnic nationalities to participate fully 
in the political transition process without restrictions and 
to resume, without further delay, a dialogue with all 
political actors, including the NLD and representatives of 
ethnic nationalities.  The resolution extends the Secretary 
General's mandate by requesting the SG "to continue to 
provide his good offices" and to give all necessary 
assistance to enable his Special Advisor and the Special 
Rapporteur to discharge their mandates fully and effectively 
and in a coordinated manner.  We picked up four "yes" votes: 
Fiji (from abstain), Kiribati (from not present), Samoa (from 
abstain), and Tonga (from not present).  Micronesia was 
absent, but their delegate plans to vote "yes" in the 
plenary.  Brunei shifted to a "no" vote, having abstained 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001173  006 OF 009 
 
 
last year. 
 
Yes:  Australia, Fiji, Japan, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, 
Mongolia, Nauru, New Zealand, Palau, ROK, Samoa, Timor-Leste, 
Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu. 
 
No:  Brunei, China, DPRK, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Vietnam. 
 
Abstain: Indonesia, PNG, Philippines, Singapore, Solomon 
Islands, Thailand. 
 
Absent:  Cambodia, Micronesia. 
 
¶19.  (U) DPRK human rights resolution:  95(U.S.)-24-62. Last 
year's Third Committee vote was 97(U.S.)-23-60. This was the 
fourth time the UNGA has passed a human rights resolution on 
the DPRK.  It was EU-sponsored, the United States 
cosponsored.  The resolution expresses very serious concern 
at the persistence of continuing reports of systemic, 
widespread and grave violations of civil, political, 
economic, social and cultural rights and the continued 
refusal to recognize the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on 
the situation of human rights in the DPRK.  The welcome news 
this year was the ROK being able to vote "yes", rather than 
abstaining.  Kiribati added another "yes" vote, having been 
not present last year.  However, we lost two "yes" votes from 
last year when Cambodia and the Philippines switched to 
abstaining this year. 
 
Yes:  Australia, Fiji, Japan, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, 
Micronesia, Nauru, New Zealand, Palau, PNG, ROK, Samoa, 
Timor-Leste, Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu. 
 
No:  China, DPRK, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, 
Vietnam. 
 
Abstain:  Brunei, Cambodia, Philippines, Singapore, Solomon 
Islands, Thailand. 
 
Absent: Mongolia. 
 
----------------------- 
Defamation of Religions 
----------------------- 
 
¶20.  (U) Another Third Committee priority was to ensure broad 
cross-regional opposition to the Egyptian-sponsored 
defamation resolution.  The resolution seeks to impose 
limitations on freedom of expression that run contrary to 
U.S. and international law.  While the resolution passed in 
the Third Committee by a vote of 85-50(U.S.)-42, we were 
pleased to see the combined "no" votes and abstentions 
outnumbered the "yes" votes.  Voting yes were Brunei, 
Cambodia, China, DPRK, Fiji, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, 
Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. 
Voting no with the U.S. were Australia, Micronesia, New 
Zealand, Palau, ROK, and Samoa.  Abstaining were Japan, 
Mongolia, Nauru, PNG, Timor-Leste, and Vanuatu.  Kiribati, 
the Marshall Islands, Solomon Islands, Tonga, and Tuvalu were 
absent.  This vote will come up again in the Plenary. 
 
----------------------------- 
U.S. Resolution on Compliance 
----------------------------- 
 
¶21.  (U) The U.S. triennial resolution on "Compliance with 
non-proliferation, arms limitation and disarmament agreements 
and commitments" passed in the Plenary by an overwhelming 
vote of 158(U.S.)-0-18. The resolution stresses the 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001173  007 OF 009 
 
 
importance of compliance with these agreements and calls on 
states to hold accountable those states not in compliance 
with their nonproliferation and arms control treaty 
obligations.  This year the resolution was updated to 
acknowledge the importance of building effective national, 
regional and international verification, compliance, and 
enforcement capacities, and to call upon member states to 
assist governments, as appropriate, to increase their 
capacity to implement fully their verification and compliance 
obligations.  The resolution obtained support this year from 
Indonesia, while China and the DPRK once again did not 
participate in the vote.  Fifty-seven countries co-sponsored. 
 EAP co-sponsors were Australia, Fiji, Japan, Palau, and 
Timor-Leste. 
 
----------------------------------------- 
Bloc Politics and EAP Country Performance 
----------------------------------------- 
 
¶22.  (SBU) ASEAN countries sometimes went their own ways this 
UNGA, as seen in their diverse votes on the Burma no-action 
motion in the Third Committee and the Burma and Iranian human 
rights resolutions.  The Philippines and Thailand again split 
off to abstain on some Middle East issues this session. 
Thailand took over the ASEAN Chair from Singapore.  Cuba took 
over from Malaysia in 2006 as the NAM coordinator, making NAM 
decisions more likely to go against US interests. 
 
¶23.  (C) As in past years, Pacific Island Forum (PIF) 
countries consult regularly on UN issues.  Tonga serves as 
the Pacific Island Forum chair.  Counting Australia and New 
Zealand, the Pacific Islands now number 14, with the addition 
of Tuvalu as a member in 2000 and Kiribati, Nauru, and Tonga 
in 1999.  While not exactly a voting bloc, the islands are an 
influential group whose votes are increasingly solicited by 
others.  The United States can not take these votes for 
granted when we seek support on human rights, Middle East, 
and other issues.  Even our normally solid supporter, the 
Marshall Islands, switched to abstaining rather then voting 
"no" with the U.S., Israel, and Palau on the resolution 
calling for an end to the Cuban embargo.  (The RMI President 
later expressed displeasure with his Permrep's vote).  The 
most important issues to the islands are sustainable 
development and climate change, where the US is not always 
viewed as supportive.  Iran, for example, lobbied 
aggressively on human rights and Middle East issues.  In 
pursuit of SC votes, both Iceland and Austria sent envoys to 
the South Pacific.  Turkey invited the Pacific Islanders to a 
summit. 
 
¶24.  (C) Increasingly the Senior Advisor is noting a "what's 
in it for me or my country" attitude.  The Micronesian 
permrep put it colorfully, referring to both the Pacific 
Islanders and the Africans, "we are here to get the goodies." 
 He maintained this is particularly important for Permreps 
who are also accredited to Washington (Nauru, Samoa, Solomon 
Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu). The Solomon Island's 
Permrep arranged for his Foreign Minister to sign a 
Memorandum of Understanding with his Iranian counterpart 
during the General Debate in September and the Minister later 
visited Iran.  This explains in part the Permrep's tenacity 
in his votes on the human rights resolution.  Venezuela and 
Cuba court the islanders too.  Several countries have medical 
students studying in Havana: Nauru, the Solomon Islands, and 
Kiribati, with Tuvalu working on a future program.  Tuvalu's 
Permrep told the Senior Advisor that he votes for whoever can 
assist Tuvalu: if you can help us on this project, we will 
vote for you. "We are here bilaterally to seek assistance," 
he maintained.  In a likely reference to Iran, he added that 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001173  008 OF 009 
 
 
some countries did not honor their commitment and Tuvalu 
would not vote for them again.  Asked by the Senior Advisor 
if he considered principles regarding the human rights votes, 
he replied, "of course, but in reality, as a small island 
country, we need assistance." 
 
¶25. (C) The best way to get island votes, in addition to 
providing assistance, is to spend time with these small 
delegations and to provide written talking points for them to 
share with their capitals, when needed.  Most regular contact 
in New York ends after the Senior Advisor departs.  The 
islanders have appreciated lunches hosted by the Senior 
Advisor and sometimes by the U.S. Permrep and the session EAP 
A/S Christopher Hill held in September with their heads of 
delegation to the General Debate.  It has been helpful to 
have Palau's Permrep, who almost always votes with the U.S. 
in New York and not to have to pursue a proxy.  Kiribati, due 
to cost, is now the only Pacific island without a UN Mission 
in New York, although their President participated in 
September's General Debate.  For the first time Kiribati, 
which traditionally grants its proxy to New Zealand, arranged 
a proxy vote for the SC elections and all the human rights 
resolutions in the Third Committee.  We hope Kiribati's 
increased participation will continue.  One has to start well 
in advance to line this up.  The Solomon Islands is often the 
odd island out on human rights and other votes.  Tuvalu's 
Permrep also bears watching.  Vanuatu should be able to 
participate in more votes.  For many of the islands with 
small missions, just showing up for a vote is a major feat. 
Some made effective use of interns to supplement their small 
delegations. Taiwan has managed to get into the UN via the 
back door, placing interns in a few delegations including the 
Marshall Islands, Nauru, and Palau. 
 
¶26. (SBU) Because almost all of developing Asia is organized 
in one regional group or another, Mongolia feels left out, 
belonging to no sub-regional group and believes this impacts 
its ability to get elected to UN bodies, leading Mongolia to 
drop its SC seat candidacy for 2009-2010.  Mongolia has 
recently played a more active role as seen in its two 
resolutions adopted by consensus this UNGA on the "UN 
literacy decade" and "Mongolia's international security and 
nuclear weapons free status."  Timor-Leste, a fairly recent 
UN member, is feeling its way on the issues and, without 
being a member of a group, is amenable to considering 
questions on their merits.  Timor-Leste's Permrep worked with 
the Senior Advisor and his capital this session to be able to 
cast laudatory "yes" votes on all the human rights 
resolutions including Iran and "no" votes against all no 
action motions.  In sum, it is very important to get to know 
and spend time with the Permreps. 
 
¶27. (C) Japan has performed solidly, if very cautiously, in 
view of its permanent seat aspirations on the SC and its 
successful bid for a temporary SC seat for 2009-2010.  Japan 
was elected earlier to a temporary seat for 2009-2010 on the 
newly created Peacebuilding Commission and will serve as 
chair until year-end as part of its efforts to be seen as a 
constructive player.  The U.S. and Japan, that together 
contribute 42 percent of the UN budget, will need to work 
closely to pursue critical management reforms in the 
Secretariat and to limit the unrestrained growth of the 
budget to an acceptable level. Japan can generally be counted 
on to consider seriously the financial implications of 
Council decisions, especially those related to the expansion 
of peacekeeping mandates.  Japan's willingness to back U.S. 
positions was only constrained by its desire to be as 
inoffensive to as many other delegations on as many issues as 
possible to obtain maximum support for its overarching 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001173  009 OF 009 
 
 
objective: securing a permanent SC seat. 
 
---------- 
The Future 
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¶28. (C) Looking ahead, Japan will replace Indonesia on the SC 
in 2009-2010, after crushing Iran which only received 32 
votes to Japan's 158 in the SC election for the Asian seat. 
Japan, a late entrant in Janaury 2007 with Mongolia 
withdrawing its candidacy, lobbied aggressively to be certain 
to win on the first ballot. Japan may have benefited from 
being seen as a responsible UN member, the head of the 
Peacebuilding Commission, and the second largest contributor 
to the UN budget, while Iran is in violation of both Security 
Council and General Assembly resolutions.  This will be the 
tenth time Japan has served on the SC, the most recent being 
in 2005-2006.  Vietnam has one more year to serve (with 
Lebanon hoping to replace them).  Vietnam's emergence on the 
world stage has meant having to start taking clearer stands 
on issues of international peace and security outside the 
southeast Asian region.  Their approach to most issues more 
closely resembles that of China, rather than the United 
States; Vietnam's voting coincidence with us in the General 
Assembly is very low.  Australia announced this year (some 
six years too late, according to their Deputy Permrep) its 
quest for a non-permanent SC seat in 2013-2014.  Three WEOG 
candidates (Luxembourg, Finland, and Australia) are competing 
for two WEOG seats. 
 
¶29. (C) The issue of SC enlargement will again prove 
difficult to resolve, although the President of the General 
Assembly is trying to spur negotiations.  The Open-ended 
Working Group is to focus on the framework and modalities for 
the upcoming intergovernmental negotiations that are to begin 
not later than February 28, 2009.  Japan's prime minister has 
reached out more to China and has refrained from visiting the 
controversial Yasukuni Shrine.  China to date remains 
non-supportive of Japan's permanent membership.  The ROK had 
earlier signaled its opposition to new SC permanent members. 
The United States emphasizes that any reform of the SC must 
be undertaken for the ultimate purpose of increasing the 
effectiveness of the UN system.  A comprehensive package of 
reforms must include reforms in other areas such as General 
Assembly financing and decision-making where the U.S. has yet 
to see significant movement.  Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, 
when he was sworn in as the first Asian Secretary General in 
35 years (since U Thant of Burma), promised that his top 
priority would be to restore trust in a United Nations that 
has been criticized for corruption and mismanagement and 
witnessed distrust among members deeply divided over UN 
reform.  His work remains cut out for him. 
 
¶30. (U) The good showing this UNGA by EAP countries - with 
the Pacific Islands often our best allies in the UN - was 
attributable to concerted efforts on all fronts: in New York, 
in Washington, and in capitals.  Our embassies in particular 
deserve our gratitude for their lobbying efforts with host 
governments, often on short notice. 
KHALILZAD 
Khalilzad