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Viewing cable 07USUNNEWYORK1218, UNGA 62: DEALING WITH WESTERN EUROPE

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
07USUNNEWYORK1218 2007-12-27 12:58 2011-08-30 01:44 CONFIDENTIAL USUN New York
VZCZCXRO0295
RR RUEHFL RUEHKW RUEHLA RUEHROV RUEHSR
DE RUCNDT #1218/01 3611258
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
R 271258Z DEC 07
FM USMISSION USUN NEW YORK
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 3448
INFO RUEHZL/EUROPEAN POLITICAL COLLECTIVE
RUEHGV/USMISSION GENEVA 3004
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 USUN NEW YORK 001218 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/27/2107 
TAGS: PHUM PREL UNGA US XG XH XT ZB
SUBJECT: UNGA 62: DEALING WITH WESTERN EUROPE 
 
Classified By: POLITICAL MINISTER-COUNSELOR JEFF DELAURENTIS FOR REASON 
 1.4 (B&D) 
 
Summary and Introduction: 
 
1. (U) Robert Smolik served as the Senior Area Adviser for 
Western Europe during the main session of the 62nd UN General 
Assembly. The following is his summary of the UNGA as it 
pertained to the region. 
 
2. (C) Throughout this 62d UN General Assembly our EU 
partners have not always proven effective, collective allies 
on critical issues.  They coordinate closely with us on human 
rights resolutions (while continuing to press us to 
participate in the Human Rights Council).  They mute their 
differences with us over such issues as the death penalty and 
climate change.  A somewhat overwhelmed Portuguese EU 
presidency gave us scope to differentiate national positions. 
 Distinct perspectives also came from Switzerland and others 
like Liechtenstein, whose experienced and active UN 
ambassadors give them influence disproportionate to their 
populations. 
 
3. (C) On the downside, the wealthy EU nations did not stand 
with us on UN budget discipline (septel), nor have they 
modified traditional positions on UN declarations about Cuba 
and Palestine.  As "new Europeans" like Hungary, Poland, 
Czech Republic, and Slovakia integrate more closely with the 
EU, our margin of tactical maneuver with them narrows.  The 
bottom line is that the EU provides our core support within 
WEOG, as we face often overwhelming opposition from other UN 
regional groupings.  End Summary. 
 
4. (C) U.S. relations with Western European nations during 
the 62d UNGA centered on human rights, with many 
ramifications.  We worked together efficiently and 
effectively on the practical business of passing resolutions 
condemning abuses by Belarus, Burma, DPRK, and Iran.  EU 
partners (collectively and nationally) and the smaller voting 
members (Andorra, Liechtenstein, Monaco, San Marino, and 
Switzerland) shared responsibility with us in securing votes 
from African and GRULAC delegations where they enjoy special 
influence.  This EU collaboration was critical in the close 
vote condemning Iran, as acknowledged by Canada, the 
resolution's sponsor.  Nevertheless, no meeting between EU 
permanent representatives and the Western Europe area advisor 
ended without a pitch or plea for the U.S. to engage on human 
rights with the UN in Geneva. 
 
5. (C) The Western Europeans were also cooperative, if not at 
first actively supportive, on our anti-rape resolution. 
Despite early indications that the EU's resolution against 
the death penalty would implicitly criticize the U.S., its 
final passage instead drew fire from Egypt and Singapore, 
among others.  Most revealing was the contrast in comments 
following passage in third committee of the anti-rape and 
death penalty resolutions.  Many delegations spoke openly of 
European "insensitivity" while South Africa and others 
praised our conduct of the anti-rape negotiations.  The Holy 
See observer worked quietly but effectively behind the scenes 
on many of these human rights issues. 
 
6. (C) Much of the U.S.-EU dynamic was conditioned by 
Portugal's EU presidency delegation, which at times seemed 
understaffed and/or overwhelmed.  This may have worked to our 
advantage in that several of the "newer Europeans" felt less 
constrained in voicing their national positions.  This played 
out both bilaterally and one hopes on certain issues within 
EU caucus.  This dynamic also played positively with the 
smaller voting Europeans (Andorra, Liechtenstein, Monaco, San 
Marino) and with Switzerland.  Several of these permanent 
representatives have long tenure at the UN, and consequently 
exert disproportionate influence, both during informal EU 
discussions and with other groupings.  Examples of this: - 
one in our favor and the other not, are: (1)San Marino's 
principled open criticism of no-action motions and (2) 
Liechtenstein's efforts to dilute UN financial sanctions. 
Here, too, the Holy See observer was a presence behind the 
scenes. 
 
7. (C) EU opposition to U.S. objectives played out again this 
year over resolutions regarding Cuba and Palestine.  Despite 
Israel's sponsoring its first ever technical resolution, 
which passed, and U.S. agreement to join consensus on one of 
the Palestine resolutions, the pattern of condemning Israel 
continued at UNGA 62.  However, one of the Palestine 
resolutions (L. 14) passed by only a narrow margin and so 
prospects for reversal may improve in future years (also see 
Paris 4743 in support of this possibility). 
 
8. (C) On many of these issues, the "newer EU" permanent 
representatives privately expressed perspectives different 
 
USUN NEW Y 00001218  002 OF 002 
 
 
from the public EU common position.  The Czech Republic was 
strongest on human rights, criticizing the Human Rights 
Council's performance. Its loss to Croatia for a seat on the 
Security Council will probably concentrate and channel its 
energies into future UNGAs. Hungary was willing to push the 
envelope on other human rights issues and worked very 
collaboratively with us in trying to persuade other 
delegations.  Slovakia is clearly seeking a broader role at 
the UN, especially in peace-building, and should be more 
active in the GA, once its Security Council term is over. 
Poland, however, perhaps due to the personality of its 
permanent representative, toed the EU line. 
 
9. (C) Nevertheless, the small Western European nations, 
which do not seek EU membership, remain another, if modest 
hope to influence the EU bloc.  They can also carry our 
message to other smaller delegations.  San Marino and 
Switzerland have on occasion differentiated themselves from 
the EU on certain UN procedural and institutional issues. 
Cultivating them further, along with Liechtenstein, and even 
Luxembourg within the EU, could help influence EU common 
positions. 
 
10. (C) Budget issues were still in play as of December 21. 
So far, neither the large, wealthy nor the smaller Western 
European nations have joined with us to oppose an 
unreasonably large budget increase.  Whether this is 
attributable to their policy objectives, or as likely to a 
strong euro, their irresponsible attitude in fifth committee 
has run counter to our usual partnership. 
 
11. (C) The U.S. and the EU agree on many key UNGA 62 issues. 
 At future GAs our joint efforts to influence other 
delegations, particularly those where EU states have special 
influence, will be critical.  Therefore working the Western 
Europe account long-term and conceptually will continue to be 
an excellent investment to leverage our influence. 
Khalilzad