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C O N F I D E N T I A L LA PAZ 003243 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/30/2017 
TAGS: ECON PGOV PHUM PREL VN BL
SUBJECT: EVO BLASTS U.S. TO RALLY INCREASINGLY CRITICAL BASE 
 
REF: LA PAZ 3215 
 
Classified By: EcoPol Chief Mike Hammer for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) 
 
¶1. (C) Summary: Continuing his now nearly daily attacks on 
the United States, President Evo Morales told an El Alto 
crowd December 12 that "the U.S. Embassy is here to organize 
a conspiracy" against Morales' government.  Harkening back to 
his days fighting "gringos" as a coca grower union leader, 
Morales said he was "not afraid" of the fight ahead to 
"defeat neoliberalism."  He thanked Altenos and Pacenos for 
past support and hinted of struggles to come (Note: 
Opposition-led departments plan to advance autonomy measures 
December 15, possibly sooner.  End Note.) 
 
¶2. (C) Summary Continued: El Alto in La Paz Department is 
widely considered a solid bastion of Bolivian President Evo 
Morales, but according to the current and former mayors, the 
city is becoming increasingly disillusioned with its champion 
and is loyal to no one.  Altenos are publicly criticizing 
Morales over their lack of representation in the federal 
government.  Current Mayor Fanor Nava said if U.S. trade 
preferences (ATPDEA) are not renewed in February, it could 
break Alteno support for President Evo Morales, although the 
U.S. would also be blamed.  Nava added Altenos would not 
allow anyone, even the government, to stop the approval of a 
new constitution.  Cracks are also widening in Morales' 
support throughout the Department of La Paz, according to La 
Paz Prefect (Governor) Jose Luis Paredes.  Paredes said 
Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez is becoming the altiplano 
scapegoat for "Evo's failures."  He said a La Paz City 
Council proposal to extend departmental autonomy is a "trick" 
to lure disaffected former government supporters back from 
the middle class.  End Summary. 
 
Evo Invokes Siege Mentality Against "Gringo" Subversion 
--------------------------------------------- ---------- 
 
¶3. (C) President Evo Morales unleashed a vitriolic verbal 
assault on neoliberalism and the United States December 12. 
He called for "internal unity" in order to defeat 
neoliberalism, a scourge promulgated by the "North American 
empire."  Morales went beyond his typical U.S. conspiracy 
innuendoes and bluntly linked the U.S. with opposition-led 
autonomy movements: "What we are living through is not just a 
provocation of some civic leaders and prefects (governors), 
but rather a foreign intervention.  I want you to know my 
brothers and sisters that the U.S. Embassy is here to 
organize a conspiracy against this process of change. 
Personally, I am not afraid.  I have been through many 
fights, as they say with the gringos, in the Chapare (the 
coca-growing area where Morales became a coca union leader)." 
 Perhaps cognizant of the need to rally his base, 
particularly in advance of autonomy measures in opposition 
states planned for December 15, Morales thanked the people of 
El Alto and La Paz Department for coming to march when "I've 
called on you."  Morales also showed up in El Alto during the 
height of Sucre's violent November 24 demonstrations. 
 
El Alto Standing Down for Christmas, Sort Of 
-------------------------------------------- 
 
¶4. (C) El Alto Mayor Fanor Nava told PolOff December 5 that 
the city of more than 800,000 is returning to calm after it 
mobilized to "defend the constitutional process" during late 
November clashes with the opposition in Sucre.  He expected 
no mass demonstrations between now and Carnival in early 
February.  Nava said Altenos perceived the constitution issue 
to be closed with the passage "in general" of a MAS-drafted 
constitution.  He said Altenos were preparing to celebrate 
Evo Morales' "Christmas present" constitution December 15, 
the day after the formal deadline.  (Note: A MAS-heavy 
Constituent Assembly passed a constitution in a surprise 
session December 9 per Reftel A.  End Note.) 
 
¶5. (C) However, when PolOff asked what would happen if 
opposition states failed to recognize the constitution or if 
the Senate or Courts tried to invalidate it, Nava said 
Altenos could "mobilize immediately" to challenge "obstacles" 
to the new constitution.  "Don't underestimate the appearance 
of calm here, we can mobilize very rapidly."  He said Altenos 
are not supporting the "vital" new constitution out of 
support for President Evo Morales, but because it symbolizes 
the struggle of the marginalized and has real economic 
consequence to the poor, for example land distribution and 
greater public "rights" to natural resources.  A statement 
representing the views of El Alto and La Paz social and 
indigenous groups released after the November 24 passage of 
the draft constitution called for groups to "defend the new 
Constitution, which is the maximum aspiration of change that 
we have hoped for." 
 
¶6. (C) Nava acknowledged the fact that opposition Assembly 
members not participating costs the constitution "some 
legitimacy," but added that moving the constitution forward 
was paramount.  "The Media Luna (opposition-controlled states 
of Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando, and Tarija) has always been 
against the constitution.  In the end we can't let them stop 
us."  Only if Morales was acting to prevent "massive 
violence" would Altenos allow a "postponement" beyond 
established deadlines for a constitution and subsequent 
constitutional referendum, and then only grudgingly and with 
dissenters. 
 
Governor: Altenos Home for the Holidays 
--------------------------------------- 
 
¶7. (C) Former El Alto mayor and current La Paz department 
prefect (state governor) Jose Luis Paredes told PolOff 
December 6 that any new El Alto mass mobilizations would be 
"very unlikely" until 2008.  Paredes claimed El Alto civic 
groups lacked the time and money to put together anything on 
the scale of the Sucre mobilization, let alone motivate 
politically "tired" Altenos to participate.  Paredes said 
Altenos who participated in the November 23-24 Sucre 
demonstrations, largely recruited from the unemployed and 
motivated by pay and pressure from local leaders, did not 
stand their ground against opposition protesters.  He said 
Alteno leaders were handsomely rewarded for the mobilization, 
but most rank and file Altenos received a mere 30 Bolivianos 
($4) a day.  Various Sucre opposition leaders told us that 
even the infamously violent Ponchos Rojos group trucked in 
from La Paz Department "ran away" when confronted by 
opposition protesters, which could impact the government's 
future ability to send its "shock troops" in to opposition 
departments. 
 
El Alto Demands Higher Representation 
------------------------------------- 
 
¶8. (C) Alteno groups have been demanding almost daily since 
the November 30 meeting of the city's Interinstitutional 
Committee that Morales appoint Altenos to three government 
ministries: water, education, and labor.  The Committee 
complained that Morales initially appointed Altenos to head 
all three ministries, but now Altenos are completely shut out 
of ministerial posts.  Some groups in the Committee did not 
want to bother making demands and instead simply wanted to 
cut off support to the government, arguing El Alto is only 
useful to the government when it needs them to support 
government policies and fight the opposition.  Nava said 
Altenos were furious Morales appointed ex-Vice Water Minister 
Walter Valda, from the rival department of Chuquisaca, 
instead of immediately appointing Patana, or at least another 
Alteno.  (Note: Morales finally fired Alteno Water Minister 
Abel Mamani November 27 after photos surfaced of Mamani in 
compromising positions with a half naked woman, not his wife. 
End Note.) 
 
¶9.  (C)  Nava denied vehemently that El Alto's demands were 
motivated by personal political jockeying of El Alto leaders 
or were an empty gesture to force the government into a 
compromise.  "There is no compromise on this issue; people 
are fed up."  He clarified Altenos were asking for "at least" 
three ministries.  Labor leader Edgar Patana is rumored to be 
the favorite to replace fellow Alteno Abel Mamani as Water 
Minister.  Meanwhile, Altenos seem divided on exactly who 
should represent El Alto in ministerial positions, as the 
vice-president of the highly-influencial El Alto civic group 
FEJUVE proposed a different Alteno for Water Minister. 
FEJUVE President Nazario Ramirez told PolOff in October he 
was the odds-on favorite for Water Minister, with Patana 
favored for Labor, a position more suited to his background. 
He said Morales was planning to change out "most" of his 
ministers by January 22, with Water, Health, Agriculture, and 
Labor being at the top of short list.  According to Ramirez, 
Evo believes changing the leadership is good for the movement 
and that he wants to replace technocrats with political 
true-believers. 
 
"Friendless" El Alto Resents Being Taken for Granted 
--------------------------------------------- ------- 
 
¶10. (C) Nava explained that El Alto "does not have any 
friends."  Nava explained Evo had an unwritten agreement with 
El Alto for support after he became President and Morales 
"has not made good for El Alto."  Despite providing support 
for Morales, he asserted opposition-controlled states receive 
more assistance from the government.  Nava warned this 
support was not unconditional or indefinite.  Nava said 
disillusionment with the government is well underway in El 
Alto and Altenos have already marched against government 
ministries.  Nava himself led thousands of Altenos October 15 
to the Ministry of Education to protest the ministry's 
refusal to release promised school construction funds.  Nava 
commented that "people are not just blaming Evo's ministers 
and advisors anymore, they are starting to blame him."  He 
said discontent with Morales was a difficult admission for 
people who want to believe in the President as a symbol, 
which is the only reason Morales' El Alto poll ratings are 
not lower.  (Note: Nevertheless they dropped from 90 to 80 
percent in November. End Note.) 
 
Paredes: Evo's La Paz Bastions More Like Wildcards 
--------------------------------------------- ----- 
 
¶11. (C) Paredes seconded growing discontent with the 
government in El Alto, but rejected the idea that El Alto was 
ever loyal to Evo per se.  "El Alto is loyal to one thing: 
Change.  As long as Morales represents change he will have El 
Alto's support."  Paredes argued that Morales has and will 
continue to fall short on substantive change, which is why he 
needs to buy time with some symbolic change in the form of a 
new Constitution.  Paredes warned that El Alto has been a 
double-edged sword for every ruler that thought they had its 
support, including himself.  He reflected that politicians on 
the right such as Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada (Goni) and Hugo 
Banzer have won pluralities in El Alto.  "Altenos are 
practical and have short memories." 
 
¶12. (C) El Alto labor leader Patana told PolOff that despite 
its fiery anti-capitalism, sometimes anti-U.S. rhetoric, the 
El Alto Regional Workers Center (COR) is also a pragmatic 
organization, which is loyal to the interests of El Alto 
above any ideology or politician.  The love for Evo is real, 
but symbolic.  Altenos take their marching orders from local 
leaders, according to Patana, and these leaders are 
increasingly frustrated by slow pace of progress, government 
corruption, and being taking for granted by national 
politicians: "we (not Evo) decide if we march or not." 
 
Cracks in the Campo 
------------------- 
 
¶13. (C) Paredes explained that support for Morales, while 
still considerable, was "dividing" in the La Paz Department 
countryside after two years with "their champion" in power 
and nothing to show for it.  He asserted the federal 
government has spent "nothing" on La Paz or El Alto, and 
echoed Nava's complaint that "most federal programs are going 
to the interior."  Paredes said this was folly, as Morales' 
spending in opposition strongholds has not gained him any 
popularity at the expense of base support in the altiplano. 
Paredes suspected that Morales was hoping La Paz farmers 
would give him credit by association for department (state) 
projects, although Paredes spends significant time explaining 
these projects are not federally administered on La Paz 
television. 
 
¶14. (C) Paredes projected Morales' decision to push through 
legislation November 27 that guts the La Paz state budget by 
52 percent will further alienate him to La Paz residents.  He 
said prior to the passage of the controversial law, which 
would redistribute funds from departments, Morales told him 
he would make up most of the cuts to La Paz Department by 
supporting state projects with federal funding.  But soon 
afterwards the Finance Ministry publicly announced it would 
not make up any of the lost revenue to any department with 
other federal funds.  Paredes said Morales mislead him and 
does not trust he will be following through on his promise. 
(Note: Morales and Paredes were once colleagues in the 
Bolivian Congress. End Note.)  When project funds start 
drying up, Paredes plans to direct peoples' complaints to the 
Presidential Palace. 
 
¶15. (C) Congressmen Guillermo Beckar Cortes (La Paz) told us 
that many people on the altiplano campaigned and contributed 
to Evo Morales' campaign and "feel abandoned now."  Morales 
promised these people representation and "some he even 
personally promised jobs," but has alienated many indigenous 
and peasant farmers by "using people from prior 
administrations."  They have given Morales the benefit of the 
doubt, according to Beckar, but "their patience is running 
out." 
 
Middle-Class Defections Well Underway 
------------------------------------- 
 
¶16. (C) Although his base is starting to doubt him, Beckar 
said Morales is in far more advanced stages of decline with 
former supporters in the middle class.  Beckar, himself a 
congressman from a middle-class district in La Paz, has left 
the party and is now an independent.  Beckar noted, however, 
that the opposition is not picking up many of these 
defectors.  Paredes said a La Paz City Council's December 11 
proposal for a referendum on departmental autonomy was a "MAS 
trick" designed to appeal to these disaffected middle-class 
Pacenos.  He added the department-wide referendum was beyond 
the City Council's jurisdiction and "pure symbolism." 
Paredes said because the terms of "autonomy" would be defined 
within the constraints of the controversial new draft 
constitution, it would offer no significant challenge to the 
centralism demanded by the ruling MAS party.  (Note: 
Oppositon-controlled states are planning to declare autonomy 
in defiance of the controversial new constitution.  End Note.) 
 
Rural La Paz Blaming "Chavez for Evo's Mistakes" 
--------------------------------------------- --- 
 
¶17. (C) Paredes claimed rural La Paz residents are tired of 
Morales' perceived indifference to his indigenous and peasant 
base, particularly their lack of representation in federal 
government at the expense of ideologues and technocrats 
Although increasingly critical of Evo himself, Paredes said 
rural communities are increasingly complaining about the of 
"corrupting influence " and bad advice from ideologically 
extreme advisors from Venezuela.  "People are blaming Chavez 
for Evo's mistakes." 
 
Perception vs. Reality in Alteno Mythology 
------------------------------------------ 
 
¶18. (C) PolOff asked Nava to explain anti-U.S. sentiment in 
El Alto despite our significant investment in El Alto 
development.  He said the United States was at a considerable 
public relations disadvantage in El Alto because we speak in 
facts, but Altenos speak in "symbolism."  He said the reality 
that the Bolivian government has not submitted an extradition 
request for Goni does not stop Altenos from believing we are 
holding up the process.  Although the facts are presented 
fairly well in the newspapers, many Altenos cannot read or do 
not trust the "opposition" media.  Nava said legal arguments 
and complex political discourse are intricacies largely lost 
on Altenos.  In Alteno mythology Goni represents evil and Evo 
is good.  Overcoming that mythology, which also equates the 
U.S. as "imperialist" and exploitive requires rewiring the 
world view of people.  Nava explained that despite the 
development assistance El Alto receives from the U.S., 
Altenos can't "see it" because it is distributed in small 
projects and training throughout the city.  He suggested 
large infrastructure projects would make a stronger impact. 
He also suggested celebrating U.S. assistance, including 
extension of trade preferences, in a "big show.  If you don't 
have a big show, Altenos will not give you any credit." 
 
ATPDEA Threatens Unconditional Evo Love 
--------------------------------------- 
 
¶19. (C) Nava claimed one issue in El Alto in which facts 
trump anti-U.S. mythology is trade preferences (ATPDEA). 
Factory owners have done a good job explaining the importance 
of U.S. preferences to their employees with a simple message: 
no ATPDEA, no jobs.  If ATPDEA is not extended in February, 
Nava predicted Altenos would initially blame Morales 
directly, rushing to protests in La Paz and concretely 
parting ways with their erstwhile idol.  However, he 
suggested Morales' team would quickly and effectively deflect 
blame to the U.S.  Ultimately, Nava said the government and 
U.S. will share Altenos wrath, which "will be very 
considerable."  He said Altenos scarcely know about the 
Millennium Challenge Fund, but would blame the U.S. entirely 
if the Bolivian application is rejected.  The difference, he 
explained, was between "something that provides them a living 
and something that only affects them hypothetically." 
 
Comment: 
-------- 
 
¶20. (C) Evo's latest appearance in El Alto signals that he is 
aware of his vulnerability and that he will make sure to 
maintain that support.  Using the U.S. Embassy as a 
rhetorical target is, while not new, reaching new heights. 
 
¶21. (C) Comment Continued: Claims of local El Alto leaders 
like Patana that they do not take orders from Evo is at least 
partially bravado; the truth is Evo still has significant 
power in El Alto.  Although Morales' stock may be declining 
within his own base, his descent began from an almost 
absolute level of indigenous/peasant support in 2005.  A 
recurring El Alto theme cited by both Nava and Paredes is 
that perception is more important than reality.  In the rough 
and tumble world of El Alto, Altenos identify themselves as 
survivors of unfair treatment from everything and everyone 
outside city limits.  That perception of outside persecution 
increasingly appears to include the current national 
government and even their champion, Evo Morales.  Residents 
of La Paz and particularly El Alto seem inclined to channel 
their frustrations with the government at Evo's advisors. 
But, they seem to slowly be seeing cracks in their hero's 
armor.  Passing the constitution will only appease Evo's base 
for finite period of time before they renew demands for 
substantive improvements to their lives, or, at a minimum, 
representation in the national government.  End Comment. 
GOLDBERG