VZCZCXRO5088
PP RUEHDBU
DE RUEHMO #5230/01 3050843
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 010843Z NOV 07
FM AMEMBASSY MOSCOW
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 4973
INFO RUEHXP/ALL NATO POST COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHXD/MOSCOW POLITICAL COLLECTIVE PRIORITY

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 MOSCOW 005230 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/29/2017 
TAGS: PREL PGOV PINR NATO RS
SUBJECT: CORRECTED COPY: RUSSIAN NATIONALIST GOES TO NATO: 
OFFERS CONSTRUCTIVE APPROACH 
 
REF: A. MOSCOW 3262 
     ¶B. 06 MOSCOW 10227 
 
Classified By: Ambassador William J. Burns: 1.4 (b, d). 
 
¶1.  (C)  Summary:  Russia's charismatic nationalist 
politician, Dmitriy Rogozin, confirmed press reports that he 
will be appointed the GOR's next Ambassador to NATO and 
expects to arrive in Brussels by late November.  Claiming 
that his appointment is a Putin initiative, Rogozin candidly 
described exchanging life in the political wilderness for 
what he expects to be a larger-than-normal ambassadorial 
writ.  At pains to counter his record of lambasting NATO and 
his previous controversial service representing Russia at the 
Parliamentary Council of Europe, Rogozin emphasized a 
"constructive and responsible" approach and acknowledged 
Russia's share of blame in preventing the NRC from becoming 
more dynamic.  Some experts depict Rogozin's possible 
appointment as a GOR sign of displeasure with NATO.  Rogozin 
is a talented, if profoundly amoral, politician, whose 
behavior in Brussels will be calibrated closely to the 
signals that he receives from the Kremlin.  Biographic 
details are provided.  End Summary 
 
---------------------------- 
Mr. Rogozin Goes to Brussels 
---------------------------- 
 
¶2.  (C)  In an October 26 meeting, Duma member Dmitriy 
Rogozin confirmed press reports that he was soon to be tapped 
as Russia's next Ambassador to NATO, in line with his 
previous hints that the Kremlin would offer him an important 
foreign policy posting (ref a).  While noting that 
bureaucratic formalities remained and formal congratulations 
were premature, Rogozin stressed that his appointment was a 
Putin initiative and he expected to be in Brussels by the end 
of November.  Rogozin described his position as an 
"Ambassador-Plus" or "super ambassadorship," with direct 
lines of communication to the Kremlin and little interference 
from the MFA bureaucracy. His writ would extend as far as 
necessary to drive home Russian points on NATO relations, and 
Rogozin suggested that he would reach out to U.S. leaders and 
European parliamentarians from his new diplomatic perch. 
Despite his political problems, Rogozin insisted that his 
personal rapport with Putin had always been good. 
 
-------------------------- 
Why Rogozin, Why Brussels? 
-------------------------- 
 
¶3.  (C)  Rogozin was candid about the reasons driving his 
appointment.  Foremost, he noted, was the geographical 
distance between Brussels and Moscow, during a sensitive 
political transition, when the Kremlin sought to eliminate 
all electoral surprises.  Acknowledging the "zero tolerance" 
that Putin's inner circle had for his popular brand of Great 
Russian nationalism, Rogozin said it was clear that he had no 
immediate political future in this country.  Rogozin pointed 
to a GOR-campaign to portray him as a xenophobe-zealot (and 
"who is the zealot now?" Rogozin crowed), to the invitation 
(that could not be refused) to merge his Rodina party into 
the bureaucratic and ultimately moribund Just Russia 
political coalition (ref b), and to the Central Election 
Commission's ruling against the registration of Rogozin's 
follow-on political movement, "Great Russia," as proof that 
Russian electoral politics were off-limits.  Rogozin added 
that a Kremlin offer of the governorship of Voronezh was too 
small a political palette to be tempting. 
 
¶4.  (C)  Despite media commentary that has focused on 
Rogozin's bad boy reputation while representing Russia at the 
Parliamentary Council of Europe (PACE) in 1999-2001, Rogozin 
claimed that Putin viewed him as a problem solver, as someone 
who had successfully navigated the negotiations over the 
Kaliningrad transit regime, and as a vigorous and articulate 
spokesman, who could be counted upon to defend Russian 
national interests on missile defense, CFE, and Kosovo.  In 
contrast to incumbent Ambassador Totskiy, Rogozin described 
himself as a "man of Europe," steeped in European 
institutions, and conversant in English, French, and Italian. 
 Based on his son's participation in a NATO information 
program, Rogozin said he was impressed with the NATO public 
relations machinery and argued that among his priorities was 
creating a constituency for NATO in Russia, perhaps through 
the establishment of a NATO Institute.  Ridding the Russian 
NATO mission of deadwood was another priority, and Rogozin 
mused about the need to "clean up the cadre." 
 
--------------------------------------------- - 
Constructive and Responsible Approach Promised 
--------------------------------------------- - 
 
MOSCOW 00005230  002 OF 003 
 
 
 
¶5.  (C)  At several junctures, Rogozin reiterated his intent 
to work responsibly and constructively within NATO to enhance 
the work of the NATO-Russia Council and to resolve policy 
disputes over European security architecture and missile 
defense.  He clarified that earlier public statements to the 
effect that NATO was "dead" were really a misinterpretation 
of his position that expansion would weaken the ideological 
coherence and ultimate effectiveness of the organization (See 
paragraph 10 for samples of Rogozin's statements on NATO). 
NATO was not an enemy, but a neighbor, and Rogozin said he 
viewed his appointment as an opportunity to strengthen 
relations; his appointment was not a Trojan horse. 
 
¶6.  (C)  Rogozin was not up to speed on the NATO agenda, but 
made the following general policy points: 
 
-- Putin's offer to cooperate in Qabala should not be 
underestimated or taken for granted.  It was made over the 
objections of senior advisers, and had incurred some 
criticism.  The West needed to understand that this was a 
strategic offer. 
 
-- Russia's disagreement on Kosovo was principled, and the 
potential for a unilateral declaration of independence to 
cause a serious setback in relations was real. 
 
-- Afghanistan was an area of clear overlapping strategic 
interests.  Narcotics were poisoning Russian youth, 
corrupting border guard and law enforcement organs, and 
financing the resurgence of the Taliban.  More should be done 
in NATO-Russia channels. 
 
-- Putin was disappointed by the absence of "real" 
cooperation at NATO, with Rogozin stating that the Russians 
deserved the lion's share of the blame for the stalemate. 
 
---------------------------------- 
Dmitriy Rogozin:  Frustrated Cynic 
---------------------------------- 
 
¶7.  (C)  Experts believe that Rogozin is sure to cause a stir 
when he arrives in Brussels.  While all agree that he will 
follow orders from the Kremlin, some argue that any 
instructions he receives that are anti-NATO in character will 
be carried out with much enthusiasm.  Rogozin also enjoys 
living the high life, they said, and will take full advantage 
of Brussels in this regard. 
 
¶8.  (C)  Konstantin Eggert, Editor-in-Chief of the BBC in 
Moscow, studied with Rogozin at MGU.  He characterized 
Rogozin as a cynic who is frustrated by his inability to play 
a major role in Russian politics.  He called Rogozin's 
appointment as Ambassador to NATO a "silly gesture designed 
to show NATO what Russia thinks of it."  Vyacheslav Nikonov, 
President of the Unity in the Name of Russian Foundation, 
agreed, telling the newspaper Kommersant, "appointing someone 
who has always disliked NATO is a sign that Russian 
authorities are highly displeased with the Alliance's 
policies."  On a positive note, Eggert said that Rogozin 
truly understands Russian politics and will have access to 
Kremlin decision-makers. 
 
------- 
Comment 
------- 
 
¶9.  (C)  Rogozin is one of Russia's most charismatic and 
ambitious politicians, whose personal charm is belied by his 
willingness to join arms with unreconstructed racists, 
chauvinists and anti-Semites in pursuit of electoral gain. 
While claiming that he has never betrayed his political 
principles, Rogozin strikes us as unlikely to be bound by any 
code.  Instead, his policy positions and his personal 
demeanor in Brussels will be carefully calibrated to reflect 
the political winds blowing from the Kremlin.  If given the 
writ, Rogozin can be an effective diplomat and negotiator; if 
told to stymie policy, he will be a formidable foe. 
 
---------------------- 
Biographic Information 
---------------------- 
 
¶10.  (U)  Dmitriy Olegovich Rogozin. Born, December 21, 1963, 
Moscow. 
 
Education 
--------- 
- 1986 -- Graduated from Moscow State University, Journalism 
faculty. 
 
 
MOSCOW 00005230  003 OF 003 
 
 
- 1988 -- Graduated from Marxism-Leninism University, 
Economic faculty.  Diploma: "The U.S. Psychological War 
against Cuba."  Supported preservation of the Soviet Union. 
 
- 1999 -- Received Doctorate from Moscow State University. 
Doctoral thesis: "Problems of Russia's National Security on 
the Edge of the 21st Century." 
 
Professional Experience 
----------------------- 
- 1992 -- Co-founded People's Patriotic Movement "Congress of 
Russian Societies." 
 
- 03/1997 -- Elected to Duma, joined "People's Deputy Group." 
 Member of Commission on the Impeachment of President Yeltsin. 
 
- 1998 -- Joined Yuriy Luzhkov's "Fatherland" Party. 
 
- 1999 -- Left "Fatherland" Party.  Reelected to Duma, and 
elected Chairman of the Duma International Affairs Committee. 
 Head of Parliamentary Delegation to PACE. 
 
- 2002-2003 -- Designated Special Presidential Envoy to the 
Parliamentary Council of Europe on the Issues Related to the 
Settlement of the Kaliningrad Problem and other Russia-EU 
problems. 
 
- 10/2003 -- Elected Co-Chairman of the Supreme Council of 
the "Rodina" Party. 
 
- 12/2003 -- Reelected to Duma, appointed Deputy Duma Speaker. 
 
- 03/2004 -- Became Chairman of "Rodina" Faction. 
 
- 2006 -- Resigned from Head of Faction, and later resigned 
from Party Chairman post. 
 
- 2007 -- Co-founded "Great Russia" Party. 
 
Rogozin is married.  He and his current wife are expecting 
their first child.  He has a grown son and grandson, with a 
granddaughter on the way, from a previous marriage. 
 
------------------ 
Statements on NATO 
------------------ 
 
¶11.  (U)  Among Rogozin's statements on NATO are the 
following: 
 
-- "It won't be NATO if Russia joins" -- February 20, 2001; 
 
-- "Relations between NATO and Russia should be considered as 
relations between two alliances, as allies" -- January 14, 
2002; 
 
-- "NATO has been transformed into some sort of "loose" bloc 
in which the United States has less and less consideration of 
other members" -- May 13, 2003; 
 
-- (Regarding NATO expansion) "The closer the NATO bases, the 
easier to hit them.  It is more a military issue than a 
political one.  Our military will be able to take care of 
that" -- December 12, 2003; 
 
-- "This NATO enlargement represents a real threat to the 
state security and to the security of the President's home 
town.  They (NATO) should realize, "friendship is friendship, 
but keep your powder separate" -- March 29, 2004; 
 
-- "NATO is an organization where U.S. satellites can prove 
their loyalty" -- April 2, 2004; 
 
-- "NATO, EU, USA - are the real players of modern history, 
and Russia is forced to interact with them, trying to protect 
its own interests.  The main principle of modern policy is 
"first come, first serve," and we should remember it, bearing 
in mind that Russia's only allies are its Navy, Army, and Air 
Force" -- April 7, 2004; 
 
-- "NATO is a dying organization" -- February 10, 2006. 
Burns