VZCZCXRO5752
RR RUEHAG RUEHAST RUEHDA RUEHDBU RUEHDF RUEHFL RUEHIK RUEHKW RUEHLA
RUEHLN RUEHLZ RUEHPOD RUEHROV RUEHSR RUEHVK RUEHYG
DE RUEHNC #0418/01 1351441
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 151441Z MAY 07
FM AMEMBASSY NICOSIA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 7807
INFO RUEHZL/EUROPEAN POLITICAL COLLECTIVE
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 0851
RUEHBS/USEU BRUSSELS

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 NICOSIA 000418 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPARTMENT FOR EUR/SE, EUR/ERA, IO/UNP 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PREL PGOV UNFICYP CY TU
SUBJECT: FAMAGUSTA MAYOR FAVORS INCREASED BI-COMMUNAL 
CONTACTS 
 
REF: 06 NICOSIA 1521 
 
¶1.  (SBU) INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY:  Despite the total 
failure of the so-called "Finnish Initiative" in 2006 
(Reftel), Greek Cypriot officials and property owners in 
Famagusta are actively seeking ways to keep their issue on 
the political map.  The opening of the fenced-off area of 
Varosha and its eventual reconstruction by Turkish and Greek 
Cypriots working hand-in-hand would constitute an 
unparalleled confidence-building measure, Famagusta 
Mayor-in-exile Alexis Galanos told the Ambassador May 10.  In 
hopes of building a bi-communal lobbying effort for his 
grandiose goal, Galanos is reaching across the Green Line to 
Turkish Cypriot counterpart "Mayor" Oktay Kayalp; the two 
leaders, along with the United Nations, are planning a 
high-visibility restoration of Famagusta's Venetian walls in 
¶2008.  Also consuming great chunks of Galanos's first six 
months in office is his effort to raise awareness of his 
"occupied" municipality.  His staff have just concluded a 
high-profile petition campaign that targeted diaspora 
Famagustans, and he soon will take the signature book and his 
"Free Varosha Now" message to Washington and other capitals. 
On the broader Cyprus Problem, the slow pace of July 8 
negotiations depressed the long-time politician. "Like a 
cancer, the specter of permanent partition is growing," he 
fretted.  "We must take bold steps now."  END SUMMARY. 
 
------------------------------------- 
"Exile" Mayors:  Big Title, Small Job 
------------------------------------- 
 
¶2.  (U) Nine pre-1974 municipalities lie in the area 
administered by Turkish Cypriots, of which Famagusta is the 
largest.  For voting and other purposes, Greek Cypriots 
residing in the RoC-controlled areas continue to identify 
themselves as inhabitants of Famagusta, Kyrenia, and Morphou, 
inter alia, and their heirs are entitled (actually, 
encouraged) to do the same.  In local elections, G/C voters 
cast ballots both in their places of current residence and in 
their birthplaces / historic homes.  Most of the "occupied" 
city halls are little more than strip-mall offices staffed by 
mayors and a few councilmen (although they still collect 
big-city checks.) 
 
¶3.  (U) Famagusta has always occupied a higher profile, 
however.  In 1984 it made the world stage when UN Security 
Council Resolution 550 called for the transfer of the 
fenced-off area of Varosha to UN administration.  As befits a 
city that was once Cyprus's wealthiest and second 
most-populous, current Mayor Alexis Galanos is no political 
lightweight, having served as president of the national 
parliament in the early 1990s.  Opposition DISY politicians 
lured the former MP out of retirement in 2006 in a successful 
quest to defeat the AKEL (far left) incumbent, Yiannakis 
Skordis. 
 
------------------------- 
Let's Make Money Together 
------------------------- 
 
¶4.  (SBU) Famagustans on both sides of the Green Line wanted 
their city opened, Galanos told the Ambassador May 10. 
Tearing down the fence around Varosha and allowing 
resettlement by its original inhabitants would unleash 
massive investments and create good jobs, mainly for needy 
Turkish Cypriots.  Such a project would prove that Greek and 
Turkish Cypriots could work toward common goals and reap 
shared benefits.  A boom in inter-communal economic activity 
might even follow.  A realist, however, Galanos knew the 
sides were far apart in their negotiating positions, and 
negotiations were unlikely to tackle Varosha's final status 
anytime soon. 
 
------------------------------------------- 
Pushing Discreetly on a Bi-communal Project 
------------------------------------------- 
 
¶5.  (SBU) In the run-up to the December 2006 municipal 
elections, Galanos privately had voiced his desires to 
improve coordination with the Turkish Cypriot Famagusta 
"municipality" and its head, "Mayor" Oktay Kayalp.  It 
appears he is honoring his promise.  Galanos informed the 
Ambassador that he, Kayalp, and UNFICYP head Michael Moller 
had agreed recently to organize a seminar focusing on 
conserving and renovating the Venetian-built walls that are 
Famagusta's most-recognized landmark.  As a gathering of 
scientists, historians, and archaeologists, the event aimed 
to be apolitical.  Yet politics had a way of creeping into 
 
NICOSIA 00000418  002 OF 002 
 
 
every endeavor in Cyprus, Galanos chuckled.  In fact, Foreign 
Ministry fears of the bi-communal event somehow conferring an 
element of recognition on the "Turkish Republic of Northern 
Cyprus" had forced Galanos to abandon the idea of conducting 
the seminar within city limits; instead, it would take place 
at Ledra Palace, in the Buffer Zone.  Galanos and his team 
would endeavor to keep extremists from both communities from 
hijacking the event, planned for early 2008. 
 
---------------------------------- 
Church Officials Surprising Allies 
---------------------------------- 
 
¶6.  (SBU) Despite their reputation for espousing hard lines, 
officials from the Church of Cyprus, led by the Bishop of 
Kykkos, supported Galanos's initiative on Famagusta.  Even 
Archbishop Chrysostomos II was on board, Galanos claimed. 
Another ally was in the wings, as the imminent Church re-org 
had created a new bishopric for Famagusta.  "You'll like the 
new bishop," he insisted. (Note:  Galanos is correct in his 
assertion; the new Famagusta Metropolitan, Vassilios, is a 
long-time Embassy contact.) 
 
---------------------------- 
Petition Drive Exceeds Hopes 
---------------------------- 
 
¶7.  (U) Galanos segued into his other pet project, a petition 
drive aimed at raising awareness of Famagusta's plight.  A 
successful internet, TV, and newspaper advertising effort had 
resulted in municipal staff collecting 26,000 signatures. 
"Only 20,000 voted in the last municipal elections," Galanos 
asserted, his better results a testament to his team's hard 
work and the seriousness with which Greek Cypriots viewed 
Famagusta/Varosha.  Most signers were former residents and 
their children, but some were G/C youth who "self-identified" 
with the "occupied" city. 
 
¶8.  (SBU) With signatures in hand, Galanos soon would begin 
his roadshow, he informed the Ambassador.  In September he 
planned to visit the United States, where he would lobby for 
the return of his city before USG officials, UN General 
Assembly attendees, UN Secretariat staff, and members of the 
powerful Greek-American community.  He hoped the Embassy 
might assist in organizing calls on State Department 
officials.  (Note:  Local media May 15 reported that Galanos 
was encountering difficulties convincing the responsible 
Parliamentary committee to release funds for the foreign 
travel.  He has gone over the chairman's head, however, and 
lobbying President Tassos Papadopoulos and Parliamentary 
President Dimitris Christofias.) 
 
---------------------------- 
Pessimistic Over Local Talks 
---------------------------- 
 
¶9.  (SBU) Galanos lamented that the communities' 
representatives had made so little progress under the July 8 
Framework for negotiations.  Time worked against the 
reunification of the island, a truth that both sides admitted 
but did little about.  The current electoral instability in 
Turkey exacerbated an already bad situation, he added.  "A 
heroic effort on Cyprus is needed.  We cannot give up." 
 
-------- 
Comment: 
-------- 
 
¶10.  (SBU) We were frankly surprised by Galanos's 
constructive stance toward Kayalp and the Turkish Cypriot 
Famagusta "municipality."  With tough talk dominating 
discourse on both sides of the Green Line, to voice support 
for bi-communal efforts, especially ones involving both 
"governments," runs major risks.  Like Nixon to China, 
however, the one-time hard-liner Galanos -- he stridently 
opposed the 2004 Annan Plan, and the pro-Annan DISY party 
recruited him for Famagusta mainly because his past made him 
more electable -- may believe his pedigree insulates him from 
a political tar-and-feathering.  We hope he's right, and that 
he brings the seminar and other bi-communal projects to 
fruition.  End Comment. 
SCHLICHER