VZCZCXRO8589
PP RUEHMR RUEHPA RUEHRN RUEHTRO
DE RUEHYD #0442/01 0991328
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 091328Z APR 07
FM AMEMBASSY YAOUNDE
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 7568
INFO RUEHZO/AFRICAN UNION COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RHMFISS/HQ USEUCOM VAIHINGEN GE PRIORITY
RUEATRS/DEPT OF TREASURY WASHDC PRIORITY

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 05 YAOUNDE 000442 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
SENSITIVE 
 
DEPT FOR AF/C 
LONDON AND PARIS FOR AFRICA ACTION OFFICERS 
EUCOM FOR J5-A AFRICA DIVISION AND POLAD YATES 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/21/2017 
TAGS: KCOR PGOV ECON PREL CM
SUBJECT: CAMEROON GETS CORRUPTION WATCHDOG, BUT WILL IT 
BITE? 
 
REF: YAOUNDE 289 
 
Classified By: Poloff Tad Brown for reasons 1.4 b and d. 
 
¶1.  (C)  Summary.  One year after establishing the National 
Anti-Corruption Commission (CONAC), President Biya on March 
15 nominated a slate largely consisting of ruling CPDM party 
apparatchiks to CONAC's Coordination Committee.  It will be 
headed by Paul Tessa, a longtime Presidency confidante.  Most 
independent observers derided the nominations as indicative 
of Biya's unambitious approach to rooting out corruption and 
predicted that CONAC would soon be relegated to the long list 
of Government initiatives forgotten soon after their 
announcement.  We share some skepticism, but see e hope in 
the inclusion (perhaps at our insistance) of former Minister 
Garga Haman Adji, easily Cameroon's most credible corruption 
fighter, and a few relatively reform-minded members of the 
ruling CPDM party (perhaps including Tessa himself). 
Additionally, by admittedly low Cameroonian standards, all 
the new members appear to pass a minimum standard for 
personal probity.  The next step will be standing up CONAC 
and endowing it with the (hopefully) independent fiscal, 
legal and political powers it will need to carry out its 
mandate, which Biya promises will come "quickly".  End 
summary. 
 
---------------------- 
Better Late Than Never 
---------------------- 
 
¶2.  (SBU)   On March 15, the final day of a joint World 
Bank-IMF Mission (reftel), President Biya announced the 
leadership of Cameroon's National Anti-Corruption Commission 
(known by its French acronym, CONAC).  CONAC was nominally 
created by Presidential decree on March 11, 2006 as a 
centerpiece of Biya's "War on Corruption."  The lack of 
visible follow-up over the succeeding 12 months led some to 
conclude that the announcement of CONAC was an empty gesture 
in the GRC's campaign to attain completion point in the HIPC 
process.  According to GRC insiders, however, the lengthy 
delay was needed to carry out extensive background checks on 
all of the committee members to ensure that all were free 
from suspicions of corruption.  We are told that many names 
were reviewed and eliminated over the months due to 
revelations of personal corruption. 
 
¶3.  (SBU)  The CONAC nominations were made in three separate 
March 15 decrees.  The first nominated Paul Tessa as CONAC 
President and Massi Gams Dieudonne as CONAC Vice President, 
each for a once-renewable three year term.  The second 
created a secretariat under the leadership of Permanent 
Secretary Ngalle Eyoum.  The third announced the appointment, 
 
SIPDIS 
for once-renewable three-year terms, of nine members of the 
CONAC Coordination Committee.  (A full list of the 
Coordination Committee members and available info on all 
CONAC members is at the end of this message.) 
 
---------------------- 
Foxes in the Henhouse? 
---------------------- 
 
¶4.  (C)  Nonetheless, the announcement was met with 
skepticism, apathy and, at times, outright disdain by 
observers with whom we spoke.  Opposition leader John Fru Ndi 
told the Ambassador in a March 16 meeting the CONAC 
membership is "scandalous" and "they are all thieves," 
accusing Tessa for having enriched himself during his time in 
government.  Charles Nguini, President of Cameroon's chapter 
of Transparency International, was more balanced, commending 
the long-awaited nominations but lamenting that 
Presidency-insider and CPDM hack Paul Tessa, instead of 
revered corruption fighter Garga, was the selected as 
President.  Nguini further confided that some of the CONAC 
members are rumored to have benefited from their time in 
public service. 
 
-------------------------------- 
There Are Diamonds in this Rough 
-------------------------------- 
 
¶5.  (C)  The nine committee members, however, include at 
least two individuals whose anti-corruption credentials are 
well-regarded in Cameroon: Garga, who is the only Cameroonian 
minister ever to have resigned to protest weak 
anti-corruption efforts, earned the nickname "the whale 
 
YAOUNDE 00000442  002 OF 005 
 
 
hunter" for his perceived aggressive pursuit of high-level 
corruption targets ("whales", in local parlance); and Patrice 
Ndedi Penda, a member of a reformist wing within the CPDM who 
is author of, among others, a 2005 book entitled Cameroon: 
The God-Fathers of Corruption.  Even the easily critical Fru 
Ndi admitted that Garga's presence adds credibility to the 
CONAC team. 
 
¶6.  (C)  Garga told the Ambassador March 18 that he believes 
he can work with the other CONAC officials, who he 
characterized as "not too dirty."  (The only one he 
specifically criticized for personal corruption was former 
Livestock Minister Hamadjoda Ajouji, whose limited 
credibility was further strained last week when Biya also 
promoted him from Treasurer to Deputy Secretary General of 
the CPDM (septel).)  Their main shortcoming, Garga said, is 
not their lack of personal probity but that they are "tired." 
 Indeed, many (including Garga) are in their 60's.  Garga 
said that he is mostly being advised to turn down the 
nomination but will accept it out of deference to Ambassador 
Marquardt (who strongly recommended Garga to Biya), and 
Garga's belief that CONAC may be able to have an impact. 
Garga confirmed that he has two important cards to play at 
CONAC:  he will go to the press if important recommendations 
are put on the back burner, and he can resign, or threaten 
to.  Garga's participation gives CONAC 90 percent of its 
credibility, and that gives him significant leverage. Garga 
also said that, in Cameroonian terms, he was not surprised 
that Biya could not name him President of the CONAC:  doing 
so, he said, would have been tantamount to admitting that 
there was no one in the CPDM clean enough to do the job. 
 
-------------- 
Details Matter 
-------------- 
 
¶7.  (C)  CONAC's long-term impact on corruption will depend, 
beyond the personalities nominated to its leadership, on 
whether the Presidency endows it with the financial, legal 
and political powers it will need to discharge its mandate. 
CONAC is nominally independent but reports directly to the 
President (and all members serve at the pleasure of the 
Presidency).  The most concrete element of CONAC's 
responsibility to emerge thus far is the requirement that 
CONAC meet at least once a month and produce an annual report 
to the President on the state of corruption in Cameroon. 
CONAC replaces the moribund National Anti-Corruption 
Observatory, itself created in 2000, that was headed by Prime 
Minister Inoni to negligible effect. 
 
¶8.  (C)  The Ambassador met on April 3 with CONAC President 
Tessa, who seemed unhurried and methodical about the task of 
setting CONAC up.  He said that since his appointment he had 
met separately with Presidency Secretary General Laurent Esso 
and with Biya's Director of Civil Cabinet Jean-Baptiste 
Beleoken to start arrangements on his budget, offices, and 
equipment; nothing has been done on any of them so far.  He 
wants to see Biya because the decree has him reporting 
directly to the President, but so far has no appointment.  He 
said he would not know whether he will need donor support for 
CONAC until he sees the President.  (Note:  In the April 5 
"8 6" meeting, there was no donor enthusiasm for supporting 
CONAC; ambassadors want to see Biya empower CONAC before they 
are willing to consider chipping in.)  In a telling 
commentary about the tasks ahead, Tessa noted that CONAC 
members will also need significant security, including 
bodyguards. 
 
¶9.  (U)  Favoring style over substance, most of the March 
2006 decree focuses on the mundane details of the committee's 
functioning.  Article 20, however, is noteworthy in that it 
empowers the Commission members to access all documents or 
other information within any government or parapublic entity, 
including with the force of the police, if necessary.  This 
power is not backed up with punitive sanctions; if their 
demands are refused, CONAC members can only "report" to the 
Presideny.  Article 27 indicates that CONAC funding will come 
from the state budget, donor support, and "other eventual 
resources."  To our knowledge, CONAC was not apportioned 
funding in the FY07 process.  CONAC staff will be seconded 
from other governmental agencies, but CONAC is permitted to 
hire other staff when necessary. 
 
¶10.  (C)  On April 9, the Ambassador raised CONAC with 
President Biya, stressing the importance of moving forward 
 
YAOUNDE 00000442  003 OF 005 
 
 
firmly and quickly. Biya explained that the delay in naming 
members came not only from the difficulty in finding "clean" 
candidates, but from the fact that so many potential nominees 
turned him down.  He said that this will be dangerous, 
unpopular work, and also noted the importance of bodyguards 
for the members.  He said, however, that he is serious and 
had given instructions for them to be given offices, 
equipment, cars, and -- yes -- bodyguards forthwith.  He 
lamented having personally to attend to so many if the 
details of setting CONAC up, such as setting salaries (one 
million CFA monthly, equivalent to what ministers receive 
here -- or USD two thousand) and deciding who gets private 
offices (all of them).  He was then critical of President 
Tessa, who initially was asking Biya for instructions rather 
than coming forward with his own bold action plan.  "Do I 
have to think of everything?" he asked. Biya also said it 
will be important for Tessa to figure out quickly where CONAC 
will fit into the existing anti-corruption architecture, such 
as it is. 
 
¶11.  (U)  The March 2006 decree that created CONAC listed six 
functions: 
 
--to follow and evaluate the effective implementation of the 
Government's plan for the fight against corruption; 
 
--to collect and act on information made known to CONAC about 
acts of corruption; 
 
--to conduct studies and investigations and to propose 
whatever measures are needed to prevent or interdict 
corruption; 
 
--to evaluate, when necessary, the level of execution of 
public projects and to evaluate the conditions of tenders and 
public procurements; 
 
--to diffuse and publicize texts related to the fight against 
corruption; 
 
--to identify the causes of corruption and propose to the 
competent authorities the appropriate measures to eliminates 
corruption in all public and parapublic services; 
 
--to accomplish any other mission that is given to CONAC by 
the Presidency. 
 
 
--------------------------------------------- ----------------- 
Comment:  Where There's a Will, There's a Way -- but is 
there? 
--------------------------------------------- ----------------- 
 
¶12.  (C)  Many here think that CONAC's labored birth is 
illustrative of Biya's approach to his declared "Total War on 
Corruption" (if not of his style of governance in general) 
whereby he undertakes only the barest minimal steps to comply 
with the letter (if not the spirit) of his commitments to the 
international community.  But Biya's statements today again 
strongly underscored his desire to achieve results in 
fighting corruption, as well as mounting frustration with his 
lieutenants and his impatience with the slowness of his 
judiciary (septel).  Tessa seems to be relatively honest and 
sincere in assuming his new responsibilities, but certainly 
is not the energetic dynamo needed to lead an ambitious 
anti-corruption campaign in this challenging environment.  As 
announced, CONAC's responsibilities are so broad as to be 
potentially meaningless.  It is not yet clear what role CONAC 
will play within the architecture already in place, including 
the Ministry for State Control, nominally the Government's 
auditor; the financial investigations agency, ANIF; the 
yet-to-be-created bureaucracy for handling asset 
declarations; and the ongoing operations led by Justice 
Minister/VPM Amadou Ali.  Given the measured pace of 
everything in Cameroon, if we have an answer by next year to 
the many outstanding questions, CONAC will have gotten off to 
a fast start.  End Comment. 
 
¶13.  (SBU)  Biographical information on individuals nominated 
to CONAC: 
 
President: Paul Tessa 
--Born August 10, 1938 at Fomopea, in the Menoua Department 
--July 1972 appointed Minister of Equipment, Habitat, and 
Domains 
 
YAOUNDE 00000442  004 OF 005 
 
 
--May 1988 appointed Secretary General at the Presidency 
--April 1989 appointed Minister of Public Works and Transport 
--of the Bafang ethnic group 
--studied law in France 
--from 1965 to 1969, served in the Office of the Inspector 
General 
--received the honorary title of Commander of the Order of 
Valor 
--in the Le Messager's expose on unpaid loans from public 
banks, Tessa was listed as among those who had begun paying 
back their loans 
 
Vice President: Massi Gams Dieudonne 
--originally from the East Province 
--vocal opponent of corruption, sin, and homosexuality 
 
Permanent Secretary: Ngalle Eyoum 
--relatively unknown 
--from the Littoral Province 
 
Members of the Coordination Committee: 
 
Hamadjoda Adjoudji 
--in April 2007, appointed as Deputy Secretary Genral of the 
ruling CPDM party 
--July 1984 appointed to be Minister of Livestock and 
Fisheries (through December 2004) 
--1992 appointed to Ministry of State Control following 
Garga's resignation 
--President of Administrative Council at the University of 
Ngaoundere 
--served on the Agency for Regulation of Public Procurement 
--served for 25 years in Biya's government 
--served as the Treasurer of the ruling CPDM party 
--from Adamoua Province 
 
Emilien Jerome Abondo 
--served as President of the now defunct National Lottery of 
Cameroon 
--August 1985 appointed to be Minister of Defense 
--November 1986 appointed to be Minister of Interior 
--from the Center Province 
 
Garga Haman Adji 
--1990 appointed to be Minister of Public Function and Reform 
--1992 resigned in a public show of dissatisfaction with 
Biya's commitment to anti-corruption, making him the only 
Minister in memory to have resigned in protest over corruption 
--earned the name "the whale hunter" for his perceived 
aggressive pursuit of corrupt ministers 
--2004 stood as the Presidential candidate for the Alliance 
for Democracy and Development (ADD) party of which he is 
President 
--from the Far North Province; born around 1944 
--served as superintendent of police 
-- 
 
Patrice Ndedi Penda 
--born March 4, 1945 at Banya (Yabassi) 
--considered to be a leader of the "reformist" wing within 
the ruling CPDM party 
--received bachelors and higher level education in Paris 
--worked in the private sector in maritime transport 
--lives in Douala 
 
Simon Bolivar Njami Nwandi 
--November 1992 appointed to be Secretary of State in the 
Ministry of Public Health 
--1996 Minister of Urban Areas and Housing 
--an ordained reverend 
--from 1992 to 1997 was a member of the UPC party 
--from the Central Province 
--from the Basaa ethnic group 
--known for his willingness to speak frankly and publicly 
 
Moussa Moustapha 
--has participated in the Hajj 
--has been the Lamido, or traditional ruler, of the Demsa 
area since 1990 
--born in Gashiga 
--trained as a banker, served as Director of the Central 
African Bank's operations in Garoua 
--in 1978 appointed to be Vice-President of Cameroon Football 
(until 1995) 
 
 
YAOUNDE 00000442  005 OF 005 
 
 
Fon Fosi Yakumtaw 
--served as a Commissioner of Police 
--served as Governor of the North Province 
--traditional chief from the Northwest Province 
 
Magloire Nguiamba 
--from the South Province 
 
Amos Namanga Ngongi 
--born September 3, 1945 
--trained as an agronomist 
--1994-2001 served as a Deputy Director of the World Food 
Program 
--September 2001 served as the Chief of Mission of the United 
Nations office in the Democratic Republic of the Congo 
--from the Northwest Province 
MARQUARDT