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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 001431 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 04/02/07 
 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Futenma relocation: US consul general supplements previous 
remarks 
 
(2) Futenma alternative: Change unlikely; US Consul General Maher 
revises previous remarks 
 
(3) Editorial: Iraq law must not be extended 
 
(4) ROK foreign minister urges "Japan to look squarely at its 
history", criticizes Abe's recent remarks on "comfort women" issue 
and refers even to enshrinement of war criminals at Yasukuni; 
Security dialogue to be resumed 
 
(5) Editorial: Is it really true the military was not involved in 
the mass suicide? 
 
(6) Abe administration at sixth month: Guardian slightly backing 
off, with subtle alienation growing with prime minister 
 
(7) Six months after establishment of Abe administration: New 
Komeito trying to play up own political identity and not to be 
wrapped up in LDP 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Futenma relocation: US consul general supplements previous 
remarks 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 3) (Full) 
March 31, 2007 
 
Kevin Maher, US consul general in Okinawa, clarified his views 
yesterday on the pending issue of building an alternative facility 
(in a coastal area of Camp Schwab in Nago City, Okinawa Prefecture) 
for the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station. "We have already 
agreed to locate the runways toward the ocean as much as possible," 
Maher said. "We think that the location cannot be changed," he 
added. 
 
Concerning the issue of building an alternative facility for Futenma 
airfield, Okinawa Prefecture and Nago City have been calling for the 
newly planned airfield to be shifted to an offshore site in waters 
southwest of Camp Schwab. Bearing this in mind, Maher told reporters 
on March 28: "We will fully consider local views and will determine 
the relocation plan while understanding that we need to place it 
toward the ocean as much as possible." 
 
In the meantime, Maher has also stressed that the remarks he had 
made that day were not meant as a revision of the relocation plan. 
Okinawa Prefecture and Nago City had welcomed that intention. 
 
"I understand that the consul general had expressed his feelings in 
response to the atmosphere in Okinawa, as the local representative 
of the US government," one of the Okinawa prefectural government's 
officials said yesterday. "So," the official added, "we also want to 
thank him in moral terms." The official also said, "There's no 
substantial change (in his March 28 remarks)." 
 
The official stressed: "They will respond to local views In the 
process of determining a detailed location, and Foreign Minister 
Taro Aso is also flexible about that. I hope they (Japan and the 
 
TOKYO 00001431  002 OF 009 
 
 
United States) will make comprehensive efforts." 
 
(2) Futenma alternative: Change unlikely; US Consul General Maher 
revises previous remarks 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) 
March 31, 2007 
 
Kevin Maher, US consul general in Okinawa, said yesterday afternoon 
that he has been misunderstood in his previous remarks over the 
issue of relocating the US Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in 
Okinawa Prefecture. On March 28, Maher referred to the necessity of 
considering local requests in connection with the planned 
construction of an alternative facility for Futenma airfield. "Japan 
and the United States have already agreed to locate the runways 
toward the ocean as much as possible," Maher said. "I don't think 
that there can be any change to that location," he added. 
 
This remark can be taken even as having revised his previous 
remarks. "His remarks created too big a sensation, so he probably 
tried to deny it," one of the Okinawa prefectural government's 
officials said. "But," this official added, "there's no change in 
what he has said." The official also said: "We also have not asked 
them to talk about this matter again, and we need to confirm a 
detailed design. I know his feeling (from his remarks on March 
28)." 
 
Maher had told reporters in an interview on March 28: "We will fully 
consider local views and will determine the relocation plan while 
understanding that we need to place it toward the ocean as much as 
possible." 
 
(3) Editorial: Iraq law must not be extended 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
March 31, 2007 
 
The government has submitted to the Diet a bill to extend the Iraq 
Reconstruction Support Special Measures Law for two years. 
 
Under the law, Japan sent Self-Defense Forces troops to war-torn 
Iraq four years ago. Although the matter has not been a hot topic 
since the ground troops withdrew last summer, there still remain 
some 210 Air Self-Defense Force troops (in Kuwait). 
 
Based at a US base in Kuwait, they have been airlifting supplies 
between Kuwait and Iraqi cities, including Baghdad, by using three 
C-130 transport planes. The bill is designed to extend the law to 
allow the ASDF to continue its airlift mission beyond the end of 
July. 
 
Many countries in the US-led coalition forces are leaving Iraq. 
Spain and Italy have withdrawn from the country, and Britain is set 
to reduce its troop strength by 1,600 by this summer. With Western 
European forces leaving the country, the weight has shifted to East 
European forces and former Soviet republics. 
 
Continued commitment to Iraq by Japan, an advanced democracy, must 
be encouraging to the Bush administration, which has been drawing 
fire at home and abroad. The significance of the three transport 
airplanes is expected to grow as a symbol of support for the United 
States. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001431  003 OF 009 
 
 
But that does not mean Japan should continue the ASDF mission 
endlessly. 
 
We have criticized the Iraq war as unjust and opposed sending SDF 
troops to that country. Our standpoint remains the same. 
 
The situation in Iraq following the major combat operations has 
bogged down and it is now descending into civil war. The Middle East 
is becoming increasingly unstable. What we apprehended four years 
ago has largely become a reality. 
 
Based on what has taken place over the last four years, the 
government must reexamine former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's 
announcement to support the Iraq war and the appropriateness of the 
SDF mission in Iraq. 
 
A supplementary budget seeking a deadline for withdrawal from Iraq 
has cleared the US House and Senate. Reflecting the widespread 
perception that the Iraq war was a mistake, debates calling for a 
serious review of the war are underway in the United States. 
 
In an Asahi Shimbun opinion poll in Japan, 75% of respondents also 
said that the Iraq war was a mistake. In addition, 70% of them 
expressed opposition to extending the Iraq law. 
 
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe must respond squarely to such public 
opinion. Does Japan still think the Iraq war was just? Why is Japan 
going to continue the Iraq mission despite departures by other 
countries? The government highly values the Japan-US alliance. How 
will it react to a strong call in the US Congress for withdrawal 
from Iraq? 
 
We would like to know why the government intends to extend the Iraq 
law for two years, which even some ruling members think is too long. 
Does the government have an exit strategy? 
 
The safety of SDF troops in Kuwait will remain a matter of great 
concern to the public. Fortunately, there have been no accidents or 
attacks. SDF aircraft reportedly are forced occasionally to make 
sharp turns against missiles before landing at airports in Iraq. 
 
There are other ways to help out Iraqi people. Extending assistance 
to Iraqi refugees would be one way. There is no need to adhere to 
the SDF mission in Iraq. 
 
(4) ROK foreign minister urges "Japan to look squarely at its 
history", criticizes Abe's recent remarks on "comfort women" issue 
and refers even to enshrinement of war criminals at Yasukuni; 
Security dialogue to be resumed 
 
ASAHI (Page 7) (Full) 
April 1, 2007 
 
Hideaki Abe, Cheju Island (South Korea) 
 
Foreign Minister Taro Aso yesterday met with South Korean Foreign 
Affairs and Trade Minister Song Min Soon on Cheju Island, South 
Korea. Song told Aso, "Erroneous arguments over the 'comfort women' 
issue are voiced in Japan. Japan needs to look squarely at its 
history," implying criticism of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Deputy 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Hakubun Shimomura for their recent remarks 
over the question of the military forcing women to work as "comfort 
women." Song also mentioned the Yasukuni Shrine issue, textbook 
 
TOKYO 00001431  004 OF 009 
 
 
screening, and the sovereignty of Takeshima (Dokdo in Korean) and 
revealed his strong concern about historical views. 
 
The two foreign ministers confirmed that they would work together to 
bring about North Korea's implementation of the first-stage action 
for abandoning its nuclear weapons programs. They also decided to 
hold Japan-South Korea security talks (at the bureau director-level) 
that had been interrupted since the fall of 2003 in Tokyo in mid- or 
late May. Moreover, they decided to hold a chairmen's meeting of the 
second round of the joint history study whose start has been 
delayed. 
 
On the Yasukuni Shrine issue, Song touched on the recent discovery 
of the fact that the former Ministry of Health and Welfare and the 
Yasukuni Shrine joined hands to set the standard for enshrinement 
and noted, "We hope to see you address the issue for a fundamental 
solution." In response, Aso said to Song: "Primarily, it is the 
shrine that decides whom to honor." Speaking of the "comfort women" 
issue, Aso conveyed to Song the prime minister's attitude of 
standing by the so-called Kono Statement (admitting the military's 
coercion of women into working in comfort facilities) and sought 
understanding, noting: "There's no change in the government's 
position." 
 
Aso indicated to reporters a plan for the foreign ministers of 
Japan, China, and South Korea to meet on Cheju Island on June 3 
timed to the meeting of Asia Cooperation Dialogue (ACD) set to take 
place in South Korea. 
 
ROK looks confident due to closeness with US but distances itself 
from Japan 
 
Akihiro Makino, Hideaki Abe, Cheju Island 
 
The Japan-South Korea foreign ministerial talks this time did not 
see any progress on the pending issue of how to demarcate the two 
countries' exclusive economic zones (EEZs). Both sides are still 
unable to find an opportunity for their currently icy relations 
caused by the deep sense of distrust of each other over historical 
views to thaw. On the other hand, Seoul, which has increased 
confidence in dealing with the North Korean issues, have become 
increasingly critical of Japan. 
 
"Discussions were held in an friendly atmosphere, and we devoted 75% 
of the meeting to future-oriented discussions," Foreign Minister Aso 
said emerging from the meeting yesterday. However, the fact was that 
South Korean government officials conveyed in advance to their 
Japanese counterparts: "The meeting this time will have no special 
item requiring decision." In fact, the session was held in a cool 
manner in which neither any joint statement nor any joint press 
conference was prepared. 
 
Japan and South Korea have many issues to resolve. In the talks on 
the demarcation of EEZs held in Tokyo in this March, South Korea 
rejected Japan's proposal for introducing a prior-notification 
system for marine surveys to be conducted in waters around 
Takeshima, a disputed island between the two countries. Negotiations 
aimed at concluding a free trade agreement (FTA), too, have been 
stalled for more than two years over the treatment of agricultural 
products. During the session yesterday, South Korean officials urged 
their Japanese counterparts to show a positive response, but there 
is no hope at present of Japan coming out with a positive response. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001431  005 OF 009 
 
 
The reason why the two countries' relations have been that stalled 
is because the relationship between Prime Minister Abe and President 
Roh Mo Hyun has become "ice cold," as a Japanese government official 
commented. The two leaders met in last October immediately after 
North Korea conducted a nuclear test, and the president stressed in 
the meeting at the time the importance of the so-called historical 
issues, including the prime minister's visits to Yasukuni Shrine and 
the "comfort women," instead of the nuclear issue. Some in the 
Japanese government share this feeling that "everything would go 
well once the president is replaced." 
 
In the session, both foreign ministers coordinated views in a 
positive manner on particular issues, such as security dialogue and 
joint history study, but they were unable to set the resumption of 
reciprocal visits by their top leaders, which have been stopped 
since 2005. In the Japan-South Korea strategic dialogue held in this 
March with the participation of vice minister-level officials, Japan 
had hesitation about a presidential visit to Japan, noting, "Such a 
visit needs to produce some results." South Korea was not positive, 
either. 
 
Meanwhile, the recent closeness between the US and South Korea in 
dealing with North Korea's nuclear issue has made it easier for 
South Korea to provide energy aid worth 50,000 tons of heavy fuel 
oil as well as fertilizer to North Korea. The long outstanding 
issues -- the transfer of the supreme command for wartime operations 
and the relocation and downsizing of the US Forces Korea -- are now 
likely to be resolved. Negotiations on a US-South Korea FTA are also 
moving toward settlement. "Relations between Seoul and Washington 
have been surely improving," one South Korean government official 
said. Criticism of Japan over the "comfort women" issue in the US is 
also boosting South Korea. One certain South Korean government 
official made this sarcastic comment: "South Korea is reserved about 
asserting. We think it wise for us to be quiet as the fight between 
Japan and the international community is unfolding at present." 
 
(5) Editorial: Is it really true the military was not involved in 
the mass suicide? 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
March 31, 2007 
 
In screening high school history textbooks, the government has 
forced the publishers to make changes to the descriptions of the 
"mass suicide" that took place in the closing days of the Battle of 
Okinawa. 
 
The Education, Science, and Technology Ministry specifically raised 
a red flag on the descriptions that Okinawa residents had been 
forced by the Japanese military to commit mass suicide, claiming 
that "it was not clear whether the military had given such orders." 
 
The textbooks' contents was changed in the following way: the part 
that went "people were forced to commit mass suicides by the 
military" was modified to "people were driven to the point that they 
committed mass suicide." 
 
"Some people were forced by the Japanese military into mass suicide" 
was revised into "some people were driven to mass suicide." 
 
The mass suicide in which people killed each other occurred mostly 
on the Kerama Islands where the US armed forces first landed. 
Hundreds of victims committed suicide. 
 
TOKYO 00001431  006 OF 009 
 
 
 
As a result of removing the part about the military's involvement, 
the abnormality of militarism that forced local residents to kill 
themselves rather than become prisoners of war will fade away. Isn't 
that a distortion of history? 
 
The textbook screening raises some questions. First, why did the 
government decide to eliminate reference to the Japanese military's 
involvement this particular time? In the previous FY2005 screening, 
the government took no issue with similar expressions. 
 
The education ministry cited "changes in the circumstances" as the 
reason for the shift in the screening criteria. The former unit 
commander who had allegedly issued an order for the mass suicide 
even filed a lawsuit in 2005 maintaining that he never did such a 
thing. 
 
It is inappropriate to force the publishers to make adjustments 
based on a change of that level. 
 
To begin with, the textbook authors did not say that the mass 
suicide had been forced by the military. They simply wrote that 
there had been such cases. 
 
The History of Okinawa Prefecture and the History of Tokashiki 
Village, for instance, are filled with experiences of local citizens 
who had been given hand grenades as if to encourage them to commit 
suicide. Does the education ministry reject such poignant 
experiences, as well? This is the second question. 
 
The late Shinjun Toyama, who had served as military affairs chief at 
the Tokashiki Village Office, revealed the following story to the 
Asahi Shimbun in 1988: 
 
"I assembled over 20 noncombatant boys and village officials in 
compliance with a military order, and a military officer distributed 
two hand grenades to each one of them, telling them: 'If you 
encounter enemies, throw a grenade at them. If there is danger of 
your becoming a prisoner of war, use the remaining grenade to kill 
yourself." The mass suicide occurred a week later. 
 
Shigeaki Kinjo, 78, who served as president of Okinawa Christian 
Junior College, is a living witness. Kinjo was there when the 
officer disseminated the hand grenades, which did not reach him. 
Kinjo killed his mother, sister and brother by other means. "A 
military officer handing weapons to noncombatant members was 
tantamount to an order for suicide," Kinjo said. 
 
The Abe administration is trying to make it appear that the former 
Imperial Japanese Army was not directly involved in the recruitment 
of the so-called comfort women. There seems to be the same motive 
behind the education ministry's textbook screening. 
 
The Japanese people must not turn their eyes away from painful 
historical facts. It is education's role to teach the facts squarely 
to the children, who bear the responsibility for our country's 
future. 
 
(6) Abe administration at sixth month: Guardian slightly backing 
off, with subtle alienation growing with prime minister 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) 
March 30, 2007 
 
TOKYO 00001431  007 OF 009 
 
 
 
Liberal Democratic Party's Secretary General Hidenao Nakagawa 
visited Aizuwakamatsu City, Fukushima Prefecture on March 29 to 
deliver supporting speeches for the LDP-backed candidate in the 
House of Councillors by-election. On the previous day, he visited 
the office of the LDP Fukushima prefectural assembly members to 
encourage them. Nakagawa is also scheduled to visit Hiroshima today 
and Sapporo tomorrow for campaign speeches. 
 
Since the Abe administration was inaugurated, Nakagawa has taken the 
initiative in reforming the Social Insurance Agency and promoting 
other challenges, reflecting Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's intentions. 
As a promoter of reform, he often made statements urging the 
government and the ruling parties to promote reform plans. But his 
eagerness seems lacking in his recent speeches. 
 
Nakagawa has devoted himself to preparing for a series of elections 
prior to the July Upper House election, but he has not been as eager 
as before to take the lead in policymaking and party business. 
Although he expressed his total support for Administrative Reform 
Minister Yoshimi Watanabe's efforts to reform the public servant 
system, there is no sign of his being involved in coordination work 
in the ruling camp. 
 
In a speech in Sendai on Feb. 18, Nakagawa said: "Those who do not 
stand up when the prime minister enters the room lack the competence 
required of a cabinet minister." Since then, a distance has begun to 
grow between the prime minister and Nakagawa. Nakagawa said he 
expects cabinet ministers to have a sense of loyalty and a spirit of 
self-sacrifice. Observers take the view that Nakagawa tried to hold 
in check moves by Foreign Minister Taro Aso, who appears to be 
aiming at becoming Abe's successor. 
 
The prime minister, though, felt dissatisfied at Nakagawa's remark, 
taking it as throwing cold water on his cabinet choices. In an LDP 
executive meeting on March 19, seeing executive members, including 
Upper House Chairman Mikio Aoki, standing up, the prime minister 
immediately said, "Don't bother." 
 
After a House of Representatives' plenary session on March 27, 
former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori thanked Diet Affairs Committee 
Chairman Toshihiro Nikai, who stayed behind, for his efforts by 
saying, "You did a good job in Diet management." With Aoki, Mori 
exchanged views on a campaign strategy. Regarding a distance with 
People's New Party President Tamisuke Watanuki, Mori told his close 
aide, "Since I think he is my colleague, I have tried to deepen 
relations with him." 
 
As it stands, Mori, while refraining from being involved in managing 
the Abe cabinet and the faction to which he belongs, is eagerly 
promoting personnel exchanges by making use of his many contacts. 
Some analyze Mori's moves as part of his strategy for the Upper 
House election and for a post-election political situation. 
 
Mori and Nakagawa belong to the Seiwa-kai (Machimura faction), from 
which the successive prime ministers - Mori, Koizumi, and Abe - 
came. Mori and Nakagawa are regarded as guardians of the prime 
minister, in a sense. Nobutaka Machimura, who was entrusted by Mori 
with the task of managing his faction, also called on the faction 
members during a meeting on March 29 to make utmost efforts to have 
the prime minister-backed bills enacted in the current Diet 
session. 
 
 
TOKYO 00001431  008 OF 009 
 
 
With an eye to the Upper House, Mori, Nakagawa, and Machimura have 
reiterated the stance of supporting the Abe administration, but the 
three have different political motives. Machimura said on March 29, 
"It is undesirable for us to attack the bureaucracy and be 
satisfied," in an attempt to apply pressure on the ongoing debate on 
reforming the public servant system. 
 
On the night of March 5, Mori and Nakagawa met in a periodic 
assembly with the participation of private citizens, at a Japanese 
restaurant in Kioi-cho, Tokyo. Some observers take the view that the 
two suddenly are moving closer to each other, although distanced 
themselves from each other over the issue of whether to reinstate 
"postal rebels" in the party. 
 
(7) Six months after establishment of Abe administration: New 
Komeito trying to play up own political identity and not to be 
wrapped up in LDP 
 
NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full) 
March 31, 2007 
 
"We want to do our best so that all the 1,725 candidates will win 
elections," New Komeito Chief Representative Akihiro Ota raised his 
voice in a street corner speech in Chiba City on March 30. All 
candidates on the New Komeito tickets were elected for the first 
time in the previous unified elections. The party has targeted a 
complete win this time around, as well. Cooperative relations with 
its ruling coalition partner Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in the 
upcoming national election are gradually becoming delicate. 
 
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Ota held a one-hour meeting on March 
23 at the Prime Minister's Official Residence (Kantei). They 
discussed wide-ranging issues, but the main topic of their 
discussion was the LDP's reinstatement of former Lower House member 
Seiichi Eto, who had left the party after opposing postal 
privatization. The New Komeito expected that votes from the LDP's 
supporters would go to its candidates in the July Upper House 
election in the proportional representation segment in return for 
its support for the LDP's candidates to stand in the electoral 
districts. However, the New Komeito's expectations have fallen 
short. 
 
When Eto, who hails from Oita Prefecture, rejoined the LDP, he 
promised not to carry out political activities in the prefecture. 
However, chances are that many of the prefectural assembly members 
will vote for Eto in the proportional representation segment, not 
for the New Komeito's candidate. The New Komeito's Oita prefectural 
headquarters chief Takenaka angrily said, "This act will spoil the 
LDP-New Komeito relationship that we have built in Oita." 
Aftereffects of Eto's reinstatement into the LDP have yet to 
disappear. In a Lower House Budget Committee session on Feb. 13, 
People's New Party Acting President Shizuka Kamei questioned Abe: 
"Did you meet with Soka Gakkai Honorary Chairman Daisaku Ikeda 
around last September?" Abe responded: "I did not meet with him." 
The religious sect side is not satisfied with Abe's reply, with one 
official saying, "I wonder why he did not admit it." Since Abe 
called on Ikeda immediately before assuming the prime minister's 
post, a mood was cleared away in the religious sect that had been 
critical of Abe's political stances. The LDP won the two Lower House 
by-elections conducted later, and the Abe administration boosted its 
momentum. 
 
Appearing on a TV program on March 15, Ota commented on Agriculture 
 
TOKYO 00001431  009 OF 009 
 
 
Minister Toshikatsu Matsuoka's replies at the current Diet session, 
saying, "He should answer more sincerely. (In Budget Committee 
sessions of the two chambers of the Diet) Matsuoka was repeatedly 
asked about the huge utility expenses claimed in his political funds 
reports, he then responded: "I have reported based on the law." The 
New Komeito sees his replies as "inappropriate." The party has 
called on revising the Political Fund Control Law to oblige the 
lawmakers to attach receipts for their office expenses worth more 
than 50,000 yen, but the LDP has been cautious about it. The LDP has 
no intention to require the politicians to submit the receipts for 
their office expenses, revising the law. 
 
In the Soka Gakkai's organ paper Seikyo Shimbun, dated March 29, 
Gakkai Chairman Minoru Harada gave the New Komeito a pep talk, 
saying, "The New Komeito's presence will increasingly become 
important." Harada is concerned that the New Komeito may be wrapped 
up in the LDP. The possibility is that bills having Abe's strong 
intention, including a bill to set constitutional amendment 
procedures, will clear the Diet during the current session. 
Meanwhile, it cannot be denied that time for debate on a bill to 
review the employment rules, on which the New Komeito places 
priority, will run out. 
 
In his street corner speech in Chiba, Ota said, "Our party would 
like to win the unified local elections which are extremely 
significant for our party as a policy-implementing-party to fight 
the Upper House election as a challenging political party." The more 
New Komeito strengthens its own position, the more discord in the 
ruling camp will come to the fore. If the New Komeito sees its own 
political identity decreasing, it will weaken its presence. Ota, who 
served in his present post for six months on March 30, is now being 
pressed to steer a difficult course in coordinating views with the 
LDP. 
 
SCHIEFFER