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Viewing cable 07NDJAMENA122, PRESIDENT DEBY BACKTRACKING ON UN FORCE IN EASTERN

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
07NDJAMENA122 2007-02-07 20:31 2011-08-30 01:44 CONFIDENTIAL Embassy Ndjamena
VZCZCXRO1051
PP RUEHROV
DE RUEHNJ #0122/01 0382031
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 072031Z FEB 07
FM AMEMBASSY NDJAMENA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 4914
INFO RUCNFUR/DARFUR COLLECTIVE
RUEHLO/AMEMBASSY LONDON 1638
RUEHFR/AMEMBASSY PARIS 2094
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 0951
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 NDJAMENA 000122 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
PARIS AND LONDON FOR AFRICA WATCHERS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/06/2017 
TAGS: PREF PREL KPKO CD SU SCRS
SUBJECT: PRESIDENT DEBY BACKTRACKING ON UN FORCE IN EASTERN 
CHAD 
 
 
Classified By: S/CRS Charles Wintermeyer for reasons 1.4 (B) and (D) 
 
SUMMARY 
------- 
 
1.  (C) UN Assistant Secretary General for Peacekeeping Operations 
Hedi Annabi told the Ambassador in meetings February 5 and 6 that 
President Deby seems to have backtracked on deployment of a UN 
military peacekeeping force to eastern Chad.  Instead, Deby's 
preference remains a civilian police (civpol) contingent, though 
he expresses a willingness to consider other modalities. Annabi 
said that Deby's position is a retreat from his December 9 letter 
to the Secretary General soliciting UN peacekeepers. Annabi stated 
that a civilian police presence absent a military component is not 
operationally viable. Asked whether Deby might be more receptive 
were the peacekeeping mandate limited to refugee camp protection, 
Annabi responded that Deby's current position is opposed to any UN 
blue helmets.  In discussions with Annabi and other representatives 
of the diplomatic community in N'Djamena, suggestions floated for 
persuading Deby included a high-level intervention with him at the 
upcoming Franco-African Summit in Paris, a visit by the UN 
Secretary General or African Union President Kufor, or a combined 
 
SIPDIS 
demarche in N,Djamena by ambassadors of Security Council member 
states or a combined demarche by "friends of Chad" ambassadors to 
include the EU and Arab states.  END SUMMARY 
 
2. (U) ASG Annabi briefed the diplomatic community in N'Djamena 
February 5 on the outcome of the Technical Assessment Mission(TAM) 
in Chad. Accompanied by his special assistant Peter N. Due, he met 
with the Ambassador the following day before his departure for New 
York to seek the Ambassador's thoughts on how to proceed. The TAM 
team had visited Abeche, Adre, Farshana and Goz Beida. Annabi met 
with President Deby in Amtiman earlier in the day on February 5. 
In November, due to security concerns, the TAM team had not been 
able to travel to eastern Chad. 
 
Goals and Possible Force Composition 
------------------------------------ 
 
3.  (C) Annabi articulated two goals for a UN force in eastern 
Chad.  The first would be to protect civilian populations 
(including refugees, IDPs and local civilians).  The second 
would be to dissuade and report on cross-border activities. 
He anticipated either a brigade size (5,000 soldiers) or a 
division size (10,000  soldiers) force composition. The 
force would also contain 1,000 civilian police (civpol), 
consisting of 200 UN police trainers and 800 Chadian police 
and gendarmes.  Due to the difficulty in recruiting 
Francophone civpols for UN missions, he recommended that 
500 Chadian police and 300 gendarmes be trained for a month. 
 
President Deby Now Backtracking 
------------------------------- 
 
4.  (C) Annabi expressed concern about his February 5 meeting 
with President Deby.  In contrast to the unanimous support for 
a strong UN force expressed in meetings with officials during 
their travels through eastern Chad, Annabi observed, Deby was 
even more hesitant than he was in their meeting last November. 
According to Annabi, Deby now claimed it was the international 
community had asked for a UN force in Chad not the Government 
of Chad. Deby said the force he had in mind would only include 
civpols, not a military force.  He feigned ignorance of the 9 
December 2006 letter from the GoC to the UN requesting a 
multi-dimensional UN force for Chad.  He reiterated that he 
had only agreed in principle to a UN force, but he nevertheless 
remains willing to continue discussions on the matter. 
 
Why The Backtracking? 
--------------------- 
 
5.  (C) Annabi was not able to explain Deby,s retreat on the 
positioning of a UN force in eastern Chad, other than to note 
Deby,s pique over what he perceives as unequal treatment by 
the international community.  Annabi described Deby as miffed 
over the attention the conflict in Darfur has received in 
comparison with Chad's own plight.  He seemed to feel that the 
UN Security Council has not taken seriously Chad's complaints 
about attacks coming from Sudan. 
 
6.  (C) In discussions with Annabi and other diplomatic 
representatives, several other reasons were posited for 
Deby's reluctance on the UN force.  For one, he perceives himself 
to hold the upper hand now.  His forces in the East are now 
equipped with armed helicopters and night vision capability, plus 
he has a solid stream of oil revenues.  Deby is also prickly about 
protecting Chad's sovereignty, fears provoking Sudan or Libya, and 
 
NDJAMENA 00000122  002 OF 002 
 
 
lacks an understanding of peacekeeping operations (PKO). 
Although the GoS has agreed to a UN force in Chad, Qaddafi's 
opinion is still relevant for Deby.  Also part of Deby,s strategy 
could be an attempt to get the UN Security Council to side with 
him in condemning Sudan and thus gaining its backing for his case 
that his problems originate entirely from his hostile neighbor. 
 
Could The Diplomatic Community Help Change Deby's Mind? 
--------------------------------------------- ----------- 
 
7.  (C) Both during the general meeting with the diplomatic 
community (including representatives from France, China, the 
EU, and South Africa), and the follow-up meeting with the 
Ambassador, several ideas for making a UN force more acceptable 
to Deby were discussed.  One was to deploy just a civpol force 
here without a military component.  Annabi felt that was not 
realistic. The civpol had to have some kind of military protection. 
The only cases of which he was aware where civpols did not deploy 
with a UN military force were where there was some other military 
force deployed (such as NATO troops in Kosovo).  Another proposal 
was to focus the PKO,s mandate on protecting refugees and IDP's, 
rather than on dealing with cross-border movements.  Annabi did 
not believe that this would get much traction with Deby, since 
Deby seemed unreceptive to the whole ideal of a PKO that included 
military elements. 
 
8.  (C) Also discussed were steps that the international 
community could take to persuade Deby.  One was a joint demarche, 
either from UNSC member-states represented in Chad, or from a 
larger group of friends of Chad to include the EU and Arab states 
represented here.  Another was a visit to Chad by the UN Secretary 
General (which Annabi felt was unlikely) or by AU President Kufor. 
Perhaps the best starting point would be for the French and fellow 
African leaders to try to convince Deby at the Franco-African 
Summit next week.  The French CDA agreed to raise this option 
with Paris. 
 
Contacts with Chadian Rebel Groups 
---------------------------------- 
 
9.  (C) During the TAM's visit, the team met with the political 
opposition, but had no personal contact with rebel groups. 
However, in a telephone conversation, one rebel leader told a 
TAM member that they did not want a UN force, and would consider 
it as bolstering Deby,s position.  However, the rebel leader made 
no threats.  The TAM team expressed interest in pursuing contacts 
with Chadian rebel representatives, though it considered the 
matter less of a concern in view of the improvement in the 
security situation since its visit in November. 
 
Comment 
------- 
 
10.  (C) ASG Annabi's report is due to the Security Council 
by 15 February.  In our view, the quickest way to get to Deby on 
this issue would be at the Franco-African Summit.  The other 
measures discussed in para 8 have merit and should be explored as 
well. 
WALL