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P 181804Z JAN 07
FM AMEMBASSY KINGSTON
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 4195
INFO RUCNCOM/EC CARICOM COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS PRIORITY 0455
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK PRIORITY 0084
RUEHUB/USINT HAVANA PRIORITY 0073
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEATRS/DEPT OF TREASURY WASHDC PRIORITY
RHMFISS/HQ USSOUTHCOM J7 MIAMI FL PRIORITY

C O N F I D E N T I A L KINGSTON 000089 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE FOR WHA/CAR (RANDALL BUDDEN, BRIAN NICHOLS) 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/16/2016 
TAGS: PREL PGOV PINR SOCI ABLD AMGT ENRG KCOR KCRM
JM, VZ, CU, XL, XK 
SUBJECT: JAMAICA: OPPOSITION LEADER CLAIMS VENEZUELA GIVING 
$5-6 MILLION IN CASH TO INFLUENCE OUTCOME OF UPCOMING 
NATIONAL ELECTIONS 
 
REF: 06 KINGSTON 2150 
 
Classified By: Ambassador Brenda L. Johnson, reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) 
 
Summary and Action Requested 
---------------------------- 
 
1.(C)  Opposition Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) Leader Bruce 
Golding claims that Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez is 
providing US$5-6 million in cash to Prime Minister Portia 
Simpson Miller's ruling People,s National Party (PNP) to 
influence the outcome of national elections, which must be 
held by the end of this year, but which Golding now believes 
she will call in February.  While espousing confidence in a 
JLP victory, Golding says Venezuelan money could prove 
crucial in several key marginal constituencies.  He would 
welcome any U.S. assistance in either intercepting the 
Venezuelan money or, if it already has reached Jamaica, 
exposing it.  Golding is interested in visiting Washington to 
outline his perspective on the future direction of 
Jamaica-U.S. relations, in which he seeks significant 
improvement; post supports such a visit, and requests 
Department's approval. 
End Summary and Action Requested. 
 
2.(U)  Ambassador (accompanied by Poloff) paid a courtesy 
call on Opposition Leader Bruce Golding and Jamaica Labour 
Party (JLP) Chairman Karl Samuda at JLP Headquarters the 
afternoon of January 16; Golding and Samuda shared views on a 
wide range of issues. 
 
NEC and Kingston's Mayor 
------------------------ 
 
3.(C)  In response to Ambassador's inquiry, Golding said he 
had seen a copy of Kingston Mayor Desmond McKenzie (JLP)'s 
recent letter of complaint addressed to her regarding the 
USAID annex and parking situation around the new embassy 
compound (NEC) in Liguanea.  The Ambassador reiterated that 
the USG was in the process of obtaining all approvals and 
building permits required for the new USAID annex, and that 
actual construction of the building had not yet begun. 
Golding suggested that the Embassy "stay in frequent touch" 
with the building superintendent and city engineers to avoid 
misunderstandings.  The Ambassador assured him the Embassy 
would do so, and noted that the parking issue raised by the 
Mayor was unrelated to the USAID annex, and could only be 
resolved by city authorities enforcing parking laws.  The 
Ambassador then observed that construction of the new annex 
was in everyone's interest, given USAID,s vital role in 
Jamaica.  Golding and Samuda agreed, and said they were sure 
any questions could be "amicably resolved." 
 
National Elections in February? 
------------------------------- 
 
4.(C)  The Ambassador observed that the latest opinion polls 
had shown a rise in Golding's popularity.  He responded by 
downplaying the importance of such polls, and then said the 
JLP was "preparing for the possibility of early elections," 
which were "now being contemplated for next month."  He cited 
three reasons Prime Minister Portia Simpson Miller (PSM)'s 
ruling People's National Party (PNP) may call elections prior 
to the start of the Cricket World Cup (CWC) series in March: 
 
(A) The PNP sensed that its popularity now was weakening, and 
probably would continue to do so.  PSM therefore may opt to 
hold elections to avoid further slippage. 
 
(B) CWC now appeared less likely to work in the Government's 
political favor.  Ticket sales were not as strong as had been 
hoped, and the package of matches to be played in Jamaica was 
not impressive; only the Pakistan-West Indies match scheduled 
for March 13 would attract great interest.  Moreover, the 
special CARICOM CWC visa was proving problematic. 
 
(C) The Government would be unable to avoid enactment of a 
tax package before the end of this year, and would not want 
to do so in the run-up to national elections.  CWC precluded 
holding elections in March/April; therefore, February was a 
real possibility.  If elections were not held then, the PNP 
probably would wait until the end of the year.
 
Allegations of Venezuelan Cash to Influence Election Campaign 
--------------------------------------------- ------- 
 
5.(C)  Golding then claimed to have credible information from 
a "virtually impeccable" source that Venezuelan President 
Hugo Chavez was providing US$5-6 million in cash to the PNP 
to influence the outcome of the upcoming national election. 
Since he had first hinted of this publicly several days ago, 
he understood there had been considerable "finger-pointing" 
within the inner circles of the PNP, which realized an 
informer must have passed this information to him.  Golding 
said he understood that the money would be provided in the 
form of U.S. currency and would be routed from Venezuela via 
Cuba to Jamaica using a diplomatic pouch.  He was uncertain 
which country's pouch would be used, or whether the money 
already may have reached Jamaica.  Use of the diplomatic 
pouch would provide a degree of "insulation," which was 
"worrying."  He understood that Jamaican customs officials 
were empowered to open a diplomatic pouch only if they had 
very strong evidence that it was being misused for criminal 
purposes. 
 
6.(C)  The Ambassador then noted that, as she had departed 
for New York on January 8, at the Kingston airport she had 
encountered Minister of Commerce and Industry Philip Paulwell 
(a close associate of PSM and powerful PNP figure) and an 
accompanying party departing for Havana.  Paulwell had not 
indicated the purpose of his visit to Cuba; it was not 
inconceivable that he had been traveling there to bring back 
the Venezuelan money. 
 
7.(C)  Golding then claimed the JLP sensed "a puff of wind in 
our sails" and was confident of victory in the upcoming 
elections; yet, he was worried that the PNP's use of 
Venezuelan money could prove crucial in several key marginal 
constituencies.  Samuda said there was "no question" of 
Venezuela having used money in an effort to influence the 
political direction of countries in the region; Chavez 
himself had confirmed it.  He had interfered in recent 
elections in Peru, Bolivia, and Guatemala.  In St. Lucia, he 
had funneled money to Kenny Anthony, who had used it to 
telecast public meetings and rallies in their entirety; 
however, the high literacy rate and comparative 
sophistication of the electorate had prevented his victory. 
Many rural and inner-city Jamaicans were not as 
sophisticated, and thus were susceptible to manipulation. 
 
8.(C)  Golding then suggested that the U.S. could assist by 
either helping to intercept the Venezuelan money or, if it 
already had reached Jamaica, helping to expose it.  He 
acknowledged that this may not be easy, as he understood the 
money was being sent in the form of "raw" U.S. currency with 
no paper trail.  He would "love to mute the effort by making 
the information public," but unfortunately "much of the 
information is anecdotal."  In itself, the Venezuelan money 
"would not be decisive;" however, it could "make it a 
challenge in certain marginal seats."  Samuda then said 
Chavez had resented the JLP's principled opposition to 
Jamaica's involvement in the Petrocaribe scheme, and wanted 
to keep the JLP out of power by any means possible.  The 
Ambassador noted that the recent drop in oil prices was not 
working in Chavez's favor; Samuda agreed, but said that he 
still had plenty of flexibility. 
 
9.(C)  The Ambassador then noted that recent reports from 
Spanish doctors had indicated that Fidel Castro was gravely 
ill; major changes were afoot in Cuba, and by extension in 
the region as a whole.  Golding and Samuda agreed. 
 
10.(C)  Golding then said he was "going on the road next 
week," and would "stay on the road until we are in Jamaica 
House" (the Prime Minister,s Office).  He then observed 
that, while there had been "a lot of criticism of P.J. 
Patterson" as Prime Minister, "at least P.J. knew where he 
was going."  In contrast, PSM and other current PNP leaders 
lacked the "internal cohesiveness necessary for effective 
governance; if she wins, she still will have no clear 
pathway."  Samuda then asked whether we had sensed the 
confusion and anti-U.S. drift within the current Government; 
the Ambassador acknowledged that the Embassy had "had some 
disturbing meetings" with PNP officials, and noted that at 
the U.N. in recent years, Jamaica had voted with the U.S. 
only 12 percent of the time.  Golding recalled that, when he 
had visited the Department two years ago, he had discussed 
the dramatic changes which had swept the world over the last 
fifteen years.  In some ways, the U.S. had lost influence 
within the hemisphere.  Jamaica now was "fighting with a 
larger pool of nations" for USG attention; in this regard, 
its recent voting record at the U.N. was "not helpful." 
 
Suggested Visit to Washington 
----------------------------- 
 
11.(C)  Golding then asked if he might soon visit Washington 
to "outline my own perspective on the direction of 
Jamaica-U.S. relations."  The U.S. was "too near, and too 
much of our future is tied to the U.S., for indifference." 
He then recalled an incident some years ago when reckless 
allegations had been floated in the U.S. Congress accusing 
former Prime Minister Edward Seaga of involvement in 
narco-trafficking.  He had placed a phone call to the White 
House, which within twenty-four hours had come out with a 
strong statement in support of Seaga in a press conference. 
That was the kind of close relationship he wanted Jamaica to 
maintain with the U.S.  While the "old-style socialists" of 
the PNP no longer pursued an economic agenda of centralized 
control, they nevertheless remained "cold toward the U.S." 
The Ambassador responded positively to the idea of a visit to 
Washington, and said she would forward this overture to 
Department.  She agreed that the bilateral relationship 
should be as close as it had been during the Seaga years, and 
noted that the President had emphasized Jamaica's importance 
to the U.S.  She noted that 700 Jamaicans lived and worked in 
Guantanamo; many eventually became U.S. citizens. 
 
Request for USG Information on JLP Members re Legal Residence, 
Any Suspected Criminal Activities 
--------------------------------------------- ------ 
 
12.(C)    Golding then said he needed the Embassy's 
assistance with a problem.  In the January 14 edition of the 
"Sunday Gleaner," editorialist Mark Wignall had included an 
item in his column entitled "Green Card politicians," in 
which he decried the medical care available to the poor at 
Kingston Public Hospital, and noted that many Jamaican 
officials traveled to New York or Florida for medical 
treatment.  The article alleged that: "It now turns out that 
many of our elected officials possess 'Green cards' and some 
even enjoy US citizenship status.  One part of the 
declaration by politicians on entering representational 
politics should be a revelation of their citizenship status." 
 Golding asked whether, if he were to provide the Embassy a 
list of JLP members, we would be able to tell him "on a 
confidential basis" whether they held U.S. legal residence. 
He then said he also would greatly appreciate knowing if the 
U.S. suspected any JLP members of involvement in 
narco-trafficking or other criminal activity.  He said he 
would use this information carefully, but wanted to do 
whatever he could to keep the JLP clean, noting that "I 
don,t like surprises."  He then said he had made a similar 
inquiry with Emboffs about a year ago, and at that time had 
been told that any request for USG information regarding 
Jamaican citizens would have to be made 
"government-to-government."  Ambassador said the Embassy 
would consider his requests and provide answers in due 
course. 
 
13.(C)  Golding then inquired about the "level of 
collaboration" between U.S. and Jamaican police.  Ambassador 
responded that cooperation was very close, both in exchanges 
of information and intelligence and in training.  Golding 
noted that Police Commissioner Lucius Thomas, whenever asked 
his priorities, always cited "getting rid of corrupt police" 
as the highest, even ahead of equipment and training needs. 
Golding said police officers should start their careers on 
contracts of 3-5 years, so that, if they were suspected of 
corruption, they could be dismissed, even if the evidence 
against them was insufficient for a formal tribunal.  Samuda 
agreed that police corruption was a serious problem, and 
cited an instance in which a lengthy ongoing investigation 
suddenly had been transferred to another section and then 
"botched" under highly suspicious circumstances.  The 
Ambassador observed that many of Jamaica's problems resembled 
those of New York City some years ago.  Samuda noted that New 
York seemed to have done a better job of dealing with 
homelessness than many other cities, and said he would be 
interested in knowing how it had been accomplished. 
Ambassador said she would request some information from her 
friends in the New York City Government. 
JOHNSON