VZCZCXRO0173
PP RUEHAG RUEHAST RUEHDA RUEHDBU RUEHDF RUEHFL RUEHIK RUEHKW RUEHLA
RUEHLN RUEHLZ RUEHROV RUEHSR RUEHVK RUEHYG
DE RUEHNC #2049/01 3541544
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 201544Z DEC 06
FM AMEMBASSY NICOSIA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 7341
INFO RUEHZL/EUROPEAN POLITICAL COLLECTIVE
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 0718

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 NICOSIA 002049 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PREL UNFICYP PHUM PREF TU CY
SUBJECT: GREEK CYPRIOT ENCLAVES IN THE NORTH: HANGING BY A 
THREAD 
 
¶1. (SBU) SUMMARY.  On December 14, political section staff 
joined United Nations civil affairs personnel on one of 
their weekly monitoring visits to the enclaved Greek 
Cypriot community on the Turkish Cypriot-administered 
Karpass peninsula.  Embassy officers accompanied UNFICYP 
personnel on two home visits before observing the delivery 
of Christmas gifts to the Greek Cypriot school in the town 
of Rizokarpasso.  While the 300-odd Greek Cypriots of 
Karpass continue to live in challenging conditions -- and 
face some difficulties in their relationship with the 
Turkish Cypriot authorities -- the opening of this school 
(the first Greek Cypriot secondary school to operate in the 
north since the 1974 war) has marked an important 
improvement in the lot of the enclaved.  Although the fate 
of this aging, dwindling community is an open question, the 
continued support they receive from the GOC and the UN -- 
as well as the comparatively accommodating stance of the 
post-Denktash "TRNC" -- suggests that this community stands 
a better chance of long-term survival than at any time 
since 1974.  END SUMMARY. 
 
WHO ARE THE ENCLAVED? 
--------------------- 
 
¶2. (U) In the wake of the 1974 war, a large and 
comprehensive population transfer took place, with all but 
a small number of Turkish Cypriots moving north, and all 
but a few Greek Cypriots and Maronites fleeing to the 
Government of Cyprus-controlled south.  Those who remained 
behind are commonly referred to as "enclaved."  Their 
numbers have dwindled significantly over the past 30 
years.  Today, approximately 500 Turkish Cypriots remain in 
the south (mainly around Limassol), while approximately 300 
Greek Cypriots and 150 Maronites live in the north.  The 
Greek Cypriot enclaved are concentrated in three villages 
on the Karpass Peninsula at the northeastern tip of the 
island: Leonarisso (Ziyamet in Turkish), Agias Trias 
(Sipahi), and Rizokarpasso (Dipkarpaz). 
 
¶3. (U) The enclaved in the north make up less than 0.2 per 
cent of the population of the "TRNC," but their political 
significance has always outweighed their numerical 
strength.  During the 30-year reign of Turkish Cypriot 
strongman Rauf Denktash, the "TRNC" took a fairly 
aggressive stance toward the enclaved, denying them 
schooling, hampering their religious life, and making 
economic activity difficult.  This policy of persistent 
harassment lead to the gradual shrinking of the enclaved 
populations in Karpass, as well as the outright 
disappearance of Greek Cypriot life from towns like 
Bellapais -- where an enclaved community that had held on 
for some years after 1974 eventually pulled up stakes and 
fled south.  Those that remain today in Karpass are, with a 
few notable exceptions, elderly and completely reliant on 
the GOC for support.  For its part, the GOC remains 
committed to the material and financial upkeep of enclaved 
Greek Cypriots, as a symbol that the division of the island 
is not an acceptable or permanent state of affairs. 
 
UN REACHES OUT 
-------------- 
 
¶4. (U) Under the terms of the 1975 Vienna III Agreement, 
civil affairs officers from the United Nations Peacekeeping 
Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) monitor the condition of the 
enclaved in the north, facilitate medical care, deliver 
supplies money provided through the Red Cross by the GOC 
(pension payments and the like, usually in cash), and 
informally seek to resolve disputes involving the enclaved, 
their Turkish Cypriot neighbors, and "TRNC" officials. 
Accordingly, UNFICYP conducts regular weekly patrols to the 
Karpass region, visiting the designated Greek Cypriot 
spokespersons in each of the three villages and making 
informal home visits.  UN convoys also visit the enclaved 
Maronites in the northwest every fortnight. 
 
¶5. (U) To facilitate their monitoring and assistance 
activities, UN civilian police (CIVPOL) maintain a post in 
Leonarisso, normally manned by two officers (currently, one 
cop each from India and the Netherlands).  On December 14, 
poloffs joined a small UNFICYP convoy, which called on this 
liaison post before setting off to visit Greek Cypriots in 
the three enclaved villages.  The situation of the enclaved 
in each village is different, but each settlement 
nonetheless highlights some of the common challenges faced 
by all Greek Cypriots residing in the north. 
 
HARD TIMES IN A SMALL TOWN 
-------------------------- 
 
¶6. (SBU) Leonarisso, which is some 100 kilometers from 
 
NICOSIA 00002049  002 OF 004 
 
 
Nicosia, is the site of both the UNFICYP liaison post and 
the smallest enclaved community.  Of the 200-odd residents 
of the town, who are both Turkish Cypriots and Anatolian 
"settlers," only four are Greek Cypriot.  (COMMENT: A local 
cop from the "political bureau" of the "TRNC" police -- 
whose job was apparently both to monitor the UN convoy and 
to relay their questions and requests back to Turkish 
Cypriot authorities -- joined the convoy in Leonarisso and 
stayed with us throughout the day.  He was a visible, but 
fairly unobtrusive, presence, and seemed to have an easy 
rapport with the enclaved we visited.  END COMMENT.)  Even 
though the liaison post gave the impression that neither 
life nor work was too hectic for the UN in or around the 
village, it was quite clear from the convoy's home visit to 
Leonarisso enclaved spokesperson Panayiota Kananka that the 
seriousness of problems faced by the enclaved are in 
inverse proportion to the size of their community. 
 
¶7. (SBU) Ms. Kananka, the youngest of the four elderly, 
frail and isolated Leonarisso enclaved, greeted the UN 
delegation in her small, drafty, mud-and-wood home (which 
had electricity but no indoor plumbing, and was filled with 
decades-old family photos, religious memorabilia, and the 
bed of her invalid mother who had died some months 
previously).  She rattled off a series of complaints 
suggesting that life in the village was very difficult. 
Although some of her complaints would probably have been 
echoed by her poverty-stricken Turkish Cypriot neighbors, 
she also highlighted several problems that were clearly 
particular to the enclaved.  Totally dependent on the 
Government of Cyprus for supplies and financial aid (and on 
the UN for delivery), Kananka reported that she had been 
the victim of theft several times; robbers had made off 
with a significant amount of assistance cash she had 
squirreled away in her cupboard, while "gypsies" had cut 
down some olive trees on a plot of land she worked for 
extra cash -- presumably making off with the logs for 
firewood.  This, noted the "TRNC" cop, was a common 
complaint made by villagers from both communities. 
 
¶8. (SBU) Although Kananka did make a somewhat cheerful 
remark in Turkish that "Talat is OK!", it was clear that 
ethnically-tinged friction continued between her and the 
Turkish Cypriot authorities.  She complained to the UN that 
the "government's" road upgrading scheme had not included 
the paving of a 40-meter lane leading to the Greek Cypriot 
cemetery outside of town.  This prompted an indignant reply 
from the Turkish Cypriot cop, who claimed that this was the 
first he had heard of Kananka's complaint -- and who 
accused her of making a show by raising the issue with the 
UN before even approaching the local authorities with her 
request. 
 
¶9. (SBU) Kananka also updated the UN on her continued 
dispute with the local muhktar (village mayor) over the 
town's church.   The church, which had been used for Muslim 
worship for years (a hand-made metal minaret top was still 
perched awkwardly on top of the steeple), was reopened for 
Orthodox prayer after a brand new mosque was built nearby 
four years ago.  A dispute erupted, however, between 
Kananka and the village mukhtar over control of the keys to 
the building, and the authorities reportedly closed the 
church and began using it for agricultural storage in 
retaliation. Although the Talat administration has since 
cleaned the building, the mukhtar still holds the keys. 
 
¶10. (SBU) According to CIVPOL, the UN has repeatedly 
intervened in the matter, and even gained assurances from 
"TRNC" officials in Nicosia that the keys would be handed 
over to Kananka.  But local officials in the town claim 
that they have not been authorized "by the state" to 
surrender control of access to this "cultural heritage 
site," although they reportedly assure the UN that the 
enclaved may still have access to the church for prayer at 
any time.  (UNFICYP personnel commented to us that the 
deadlock smacked of a personal war of wills between the 
tenacious Kananka and stubborn local authorities. 
Nonetheless, they felt her request to have custody of the 
keys was a reasonable one, and said they would continue to 
press for this.  Deputy Chief Civil Affairs Samba Sane told 
us that UNFICYP might seek Embassy intervention with 
high-level "TRNC" officials if their efforts to resolve the 
dispute continue to be unsuccessful.) 
 
BIGGER TOWN, (SOMEWHAT) BETTER LIFE 
----------------------------------- 
 
¶11. (SBU) The patrol then proceeded to the village of Agias 
Trias, which is some 20 or so kilometers past Leonarisso. 
The village consists primarily of mainland Turkish settlers 
(approximately 900, according to one UN estimate) but also 
 
NICOSIA 00002049  003 OF 004 
 
 
hosts an enclaved community of 85 Greek Cypriots.  The 
enclaved of Agias Trias are clearly in better shape than 
the beleaguered shut-ins of Leonarisso.  A larger 
community, they are less isolated and have a more vibrant 
community life.  The convoy called on spokesperson Savvas 
Liasi in his home.  Mr. Liasi, a spry and gregarious man in 
his mid-80s, complained about his health (he had traveled 
to the south for medical treatment on several occasions) 
but said that, by and large, the situation in the village 
was "pretty much okay." 
 
¶12. (U) Coincidentally visiting on the name day of the 
patron saint of a neighboring village, UN officials also 
spoke briefly with Father Zaharias, the Orthodox priest who 
has ministered to the enclaved (spending alternate weeks in 
Agias Trias and Rizokarpasso) since being allowed entry to 
the "TRNC" after the end of the Denktash regime.  Zaharias 
conducts services in all three of the Karpass churches 
currently in operation (as well as at a fourth, which 
Turkish Cypriot authorities have not officially opened, but 
is nonetheless used in practice without special 
arrangement).  Offering an almond-and-pomegranate dish made 
especially for the saint's day, Liasi and his wife recalled 
their as-yet-unanswered request that Turkish Cypriot 
officials allow the assignment of a second priest to take 
up some of the slack.  The first candidate, who had been 
named by the Government of Cyprus, withdrew from 
consideration "for personal reasons," while a second one 
was rejected by Turkish Cypriot authorities for making 
allegedly "nationalistic" comments. 
 
¶13. (SBU) Although Liasi was visibly happier and more 
prosperous than Kananka (he joked with the Turkish Cypriot 
cop who accompanied the patrol and stressed to us that the 
villagers got on quite well with their neighbors, learning 
each other's languages and interacting freely) the Greek 
Cypriots of Agias Trias face the same demographic pressures 
that threaten the Leonarissa enclaved.  While more 
numerous, Agias Trias's villagers are still comparatively 
old, since nearly all of the town's children moved south 
long ago in search of education, jobs, and marriage 
prospects.  The village's only wedding in recent memory had 
taken place a few months earlier, between a local woman in 
her sixties and a former resident (now living in the south) 
who was at least as old.  Even if Turkish Cypriot 
authorities respond positively to the new husband's request 
for permission to reside in the village permanently (he can 
now visit on a "tourist visa" for 90 days at a time), it 
still seems likely that Greek Cypriot life in Agias Trias 
will slowly fade away as the residents die off. 
 
RIZOKARPASSO: HOPE FOR THE FUTURE? 
---------------------------------- 
 
¶14. (U) The patrol's final stop was Rizokarpasso, home to 
the largest community of enclaved -- approximately 270 
Greek Cypriots living among 2000 or so Turkish settlers in 
the Karpass peninsula's principal town.  UNFICYP personnel 
visited the secondary school in the town and chatted with 
the headmaster and his staff, since the local spokesman for 
the enclaved had gone south that day for medical 
treatment.  They also delivered Christmas gifts for local 
primary school students, courtesy of the GOC. 
 
¶15. (SBU) The enclaved community of Rizokarpasso is 
relatively prosperous and far less isolated than the 
communities of Leonarissa and Agias Trias.  Greek Cypriots 
there reportedly mingle freely with their settler 
neighbors, and enjoy reasonably good relations with local 
officials (who provide free clinic-style medical care and 
look the other way when the enclaved regularly fail to pay 
their utility bills).  According to the secondary school 
principal, there was also a modicum of economic activity 
(with some Greek Cypriots tending goats, growing olives, or 
operating the occasional restaurant and coffee shop), even 
though relying on transfer payments from the government was 
still the "easiest option" for most of the town's enclaved. 
 
¶16. (SBU) There is also some embryonic political life in 
Rizokarpasso, with enclaved Greek Cypriots seeking to elect 
their own muhktar in ROC local elections December 17.  The 
headmaster noted that the current Greek Cypriot muhktar (as 
opposed to the Turkish Cypriot mayor who actually governed 
the town from the local city hall) lived in exile in the 
south, having been elected thanks to the support of 
Rizokarpasso refugees in the government-controlled areas. 
For the first time, however, a local man was standing for 
election.  Rizokarpasso's enclaved were hoping he would win 
out over the exiled candidate, so that their municipal 
leader (and their main advocate with GOC authorities) would 
be "closer" to the enclaved and their day-to-day concerns. 
 
NICOSIA 00002049  004.2 OF 004 
 
 
(On December 17, the Larnaca-based mukhtar was reelected -- 
no doubt a disappointment for the enclaved still residing 
in the town.) 
 
¶17. (U) Key to Rizokarpasso's comparative vitality, 
however, were the children and their school -- the only 
educational institution serving Greek Cypriots in the 
north.  According to school officials, the town's Greek 
Cypriot population fell from a high of over 3,000 in the 
1974 to its current level of 270 thanks in large part to 
Turkish Cypriot authorities' refusal to allow the opening 
of a secondary school for the enclaved.  Prior to 2005, 
when the Talat administration reversed years of Denktashian 
intransigence and gave permission for a secondary school, 
children regularly went south for any education beyond the 
primary level.  They rarely returned. 
 
¶18. (U) Although there were several months of disagreement 
and posturing between GOC and Turkish Cypriot officials 
(involving disputes over which "sovereign" entity should 
pay for the school, the content of textbooks, and the 
political proclivities of the teachers sent from the south 
to teach there), the headmaster told the UN patrol that the 
school was "now fully functioning, fully staffed, and fully 
equipped."  Indeed, the teacher-to-student ratio at 
Rizokarpasso schools (to which 20 teachers commute from the 
south to work with 27 secondary students, 15 primary 
students, and 13 nursery school kids) compares favorably to 
that of the government-controlled areas.  The facility 
appeared clean, modern, and well-equipped with computers, 
musical instruments, books, and so forth. 
 
COMMENT 
------- 
 
¶19. (SBU) Although New York has reportedly raised serious 
questions about the wisdom of continued UN support for the 
enclaved since the opening of the Green Line in 2003 
(liability issues associated with the delivery of large 
cash payments from the government are a particular concern 
now that the enclaved have more regular access to banks), 
UNFICYP will likely insist on continuing to visit and 
provision the Greek Cypriots of Karpass.  Access to Karpass 
was a hard-won concession, and UN officials tell us that 
they do not want to abdicate their patrolling rights in the 
area lest the political situation deteriorate in the 
future.  Moreover, in the absence of direct and pragmatic 
contact between Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot 
officials, the UN remains the only force that can advocate 
for the enclaved with the Turkish Cypriot authorities when 
something goes wrong -- as it inevitably does.  UNFICYP's 
quiet presence is probably vital to the continued correct 
(if not cordial) relations between the enclaved and their 
Turkish Cypriot neighbors. 
 
¶20. (SBU) For its part, the Government of Cyprus seems 
certain to continue its financial and logistical support of 
the enclaved, regardless of the cost.  A commitment to the 
survival of Greek Cypriots caught "under occupation" is 
something on which no Greek Cypriot leader could 
politically afford to waiver.  Furthermore, cutting support 
for supply runs (even unnecessary ones) would lend credence 
to the politically unacceptable idea that the division of 
the island has somehow become normal. 
 
¶21. (SBU) It is an open question whether Greek Cypriot life 
in the Karpass can endure in the long run.  For the elderly 
shut-ins of Leonarisso, the odds of survival past the next 
few years are pretty slim.  If current trends continue, 
even the more vibrant pensioners of Agias Trias will also 
eventually dwindle away.  Nonetheless, there is hope for 
the comparatively sizable and young population of 
Rizokarpasso, thanks to the continued support of the GOC 
and UN -- and to the quiet change in Turkish Cypriot 
attitude that came about when Talat replaced Denktash. 
Although low-level friction may continue (as it does over 
the church keys of Leonarisso), the current Turkish Cypriot 
administration has made -- and so far stuck to -- a 
strategic choice.  Where Denktash actively sought to choke 
out the enclaved through outright harassment and subtle 
demographic pressure, the Talat administration (albeit 
after much haggling) has eased up, allowing the opening of 
a school and the assignment of a priest.  This could open 
the door to a modest demographic and religious bounce-back 
for Greek Cypriots in Karpass.  But, as Liaisi stressed 
when he took poloff aside and begged the USG to "keep 
working for a solution," a real renaissance of 
mixed-village harmony in Cyprus is unlikely absent a 
comprehensive political solution.  END COMMENT. 
 
Schlicher