VZCZCXRO0889
PP RUEHCHI RUEHDT RUEHHM RUEHNH
DE RUEHKL #1942/01 2890701
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 160701Z OCT 06
FM AMEMBASSY KUALA LUMPUR
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 7779
INFO RUCNASE/ASEAN MEMBER COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHGV/USMISSION GENEVA PRIORITY 1435
RUCPDOC/DEPT OF COMMERCE WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEATRS/DEPT OF TREASURY WASH DC PRIORITY

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 KUALA LUMPUR 001942 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE PASS USTR - WEISEL, JENSEN AND MAIN 
STATE PASS FEDERAL RESERVE SAN FRANCISCO TCURRAN 
STATE PASS EXIMBANK 
USDOC FOR 4430/MAC/EAP/J.BAKER 
TREASURY FOR OASIA AND IRS 
GENEVA FOR USTR 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: ECON EFIN ETRD EXIM PHUM PREL MY
SUBJECT: FOLLOW THE MONEY:  THE POLITICS OF SHARE OWNERSHIP 
IN MALAYSIA 
 
REF: KUALA LUMPUR 0930 
 
KUALA LUMP 00001942  001.2 OF 003 
 
 
¶1.  (SBU) Summary:   A report by a respected local think tank 
has sparked a political uproar by claiming that ethnic Malays 
already control more than the government's target of 30% of 
the shares on the KL Stock Exchange (KLSE).  As the 30% goal 
provides the underlying rationale for the bumiputera policy, 
the pervasive system of socioeconomic preferences for Malays 
and other indigenous peoples, the idea that this target might 
have been achieved is political dynamite.  The government's 
own statistics indicate that bumiputeras own only 18.9% of 
the KLSE.  Deputy PM Najib quickly defended this figure and 
said that further dispute "could hurt the feelings of certain 
races and could be regarded as sedition even though that was 
not the intention."  The president of the think tank 
retracted the report, but the chief author stood by his work 
and resigned in protest.   The argument over the numbers 
brings to mind Mark Twain's admonition about "lies, damn lies 
and statistics," but the uproar it sparked highlights the 
continuing tensions between the different ethnic communities 
in Malaysia.  Anything touching on the fundamental bargain 
between the politically dominant Malays, and the economically 
connected Chinese, remains extremely sensitive in this 
country.  End summary. 
 
 
Background:  The Bumiputera Policy 
---------------------------------- 
 
¶2. (U) In response to race riots in 1969, the government of 
Malaysia launched the "New Economic Policy" (NEP), which 
aimed  to strengthen national unity, eradicate poverty and 
address the economic imbalances between the races in Malaysia 
(reftel).  At that time, the government estimated that 
bumiputeras (ethnic Malays and a small population of 
indigenous peoples) owned about 2% of the nation's wealth, 
non-bumiputeras (mainly Chinese) owned 37% and foreigners 
owned 61%.   The NEP ushered in numerous affirmative action 
initiatives with the aim of adjusting these shares to 30% 
bumiputera, 40% non-bumi Malaysians, and 30% foreign owned. 
The benchmark for measuring wealth was the share of corporate 
equity on the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange (KLSE).    The 
scope of the preferences and privileges granted to 
bumiputeras has grown through the years, but the ownership 
targets have remained out of reach, at least according to 
government statistics. 
 
Be Careful What You Ask For 
--------------------------- 
 
¶3. (U) In the course of preparing the Ninth Malaysia Plan, 
the Government's five-year economic development framework, 
Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi invited public 
participation and input, in keeping with promises he made to 
solicit and accept feedback on social and economic issues. 
In February 2006, the Center for Public Policy Studies 
(CPPS), the research arm of the Asian Strategy and Leadership 
Institute (ASLI), submitted to various government agencies 
and members of Parliament its analyses and recommendations 
for the five-year plan.  ASLI is a respected local think tank 
closely associated with the government.  The chief author of 
the report was a former World Bank and UN economist, and the 
current Director of CPPS Dr. Lim Teck Ghee.  Among its 
numerous conclusions and recommendations, the report 
questioned the methodology of the Government's calculation of 
bumiputera corporate equity and suggested that the real 
figure could be as high as 45 per cent of market 
capitalization. 
 
A Delayed but Explosive Reaction 
-------------------------------- 
 
¶4. (U) The CPPS report languished in obscurity and probably 
had been forgotten by the government officials who had 
received it.  But in September Malaysiakini.com, a local 
Internet-based news organization, discovered it on CPPS's 
website, interviewed Lim, and posted a brief article focusing 
on his estimate of bumi share ownership.  Public outcry and 
government outrage soon followed.  Deputy Prime Minister 
Najib quickly defended the government's figure and said that 
further dispute "could hurt the feelings of certain races and 
 
KUALA LUMP 00001942  002.2 OF 003 
 
 
could be regarded as sedition even though that was not the 
intention."  Other political heavyweights piled on, and on 
October 10 ASLI President Mirzan Mahathir, son of former 
Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammed, retracted the report.  In a 
statement published on Malaysiakini.com he apologized for 
"the hurt and confusion felt by all Malaysians caused by the 
center's report," claimed that there were "shortcomings in 
assumption and calculation that led to conclusions that could 
not be vigorously justified," and stated that ASLI felt that 
the report "did not fairly reflect the true picture of total 
equity ownership" by Bumiputeras.  Lim, however, stood by his 
team's analysis and announced that he would resign at the end 
of the month in protest. 
 
Using The Wrong Measuring Stick 
------------------------------- 
 
¶5.  (U) CPPS's report "Corporate Equity Distribution: Past 
Trends and Future Policy" identifies several questionable 
aspects of the government's methodology.  First, it points 
out that corporate equity is only one measure of economic 
ownership, and trends indicate that bumiputeras often cash 
out their gains from stock shares.  One affirmative action 
policy reserves 30 per cent of Initial Public Offerings for 
bumis, typically at a below-market price.  The report claims 
that while a newly-listed corporation may achieve 30% 
bumiputera ownership at the outset, this figure drops quickly 
as bumis cash out quickly to lock in profits at market 
prices.  They may not plow these earnings back into the stock 
market but direct them to other investments, for example into 
real estate where bumis also can benefit from preferential 
deals.  This drop in corporate equity, CPPS argues, should 
not be seen as a drop in the proportion of national wealth 
held by Bumiputeras. 
 
¶6.  (U) The report also pointed out that, while the original 
goal of the NEP was to attain national unity by eradicating 
poverty and addressing economic imbalances, the government's 
affirmative action policies do not address the distribution 
of wealth among bumiputeras.  It notes that "...if just one 
Bumiputera came to own most of this corporate equity with all 
the rest holding little or nothing, the 30 per cent target 
would still have been achieved." 
 
Slicing the Government's Pie 
---------------------------- 
 
¶7.  (U) Even looking solely at corporate equity, CPPS had 
concerns about the methodology used in determining the 
government's figures.  Most significantly, it points out that 
the government owns approximately 36% of the nation's 
corporate equity, but attributes all of these holdings to the 
non-bumiputera side of the ledger.  The CPPS report maintains 
that the government should either subtract its holdings from 
the total and calculate the ethnic shares of the 64% of the 
of the market available for private ownership, or should 
proportionately allocate the government's holdings to 
bumiputera and non-bumiputera in some reasonable fashion. 
The CPPS study proposed that 70% of government holdings 
should be counted on the bumiputera side of the ledger, while 
 suggesting that even this allocation was probably too low. 
Based on this 70% estimate, CPPS calculated that the 
bumiputera equity share could be as high as 45 per cent. 
 
Lies, Damn Lies, and Statistics 
------------------------------- 
 
¶8.  (U) The government's response to the report asserted that 
it has better data that includes information on non-publicly 
traded companies.  Government calculations are therefore 
based on data from 6,000  companies, both public and private, 
while CPPS's figures are based only on Malaysia's 1011 
publicly-traded companies.  The government has not, however, 
responded to CPPS's point about the allocation of 
government-owned shares to the non-bumi side of the ledger. 
Using the government's own figures for bumiputera equity, and 
removing the government owned-shares from the equation yields 
an estimate that bumis hold 29.53% of the equity that is 
available for private ownership - statistically 
indistinguishable from the target of 30%. 
 
 
KUALA LUMP 00001942  003.2 OF 003 
 
 
The Third Rail of Malaysian Politics 
------------------------------------ 
 
¶9.  Comment:  (SBU) The uproar sparked by the CPPS report 
highlights the continuing tensions between the different 
ethnic communities in Malaysia.  Anything touching on the 
fundamental bargain between the politically dominant Malays 
and the economically connected Chinese remains extremely 
sensitive in this country.  The government may be able to 
control the public debate, but the disconnect between its 
avowed aims and economic reality will remain a sore point for 
many. 
SHEAR