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FM AMEMBASSY SARAJEVO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 4532
INFO RUEHZL/EUROPEAN POLITICAL COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
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RUFOAOA/USNIC SARAJEVO PRIORITY

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 SARAJEVO 002320 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/29/2016 
TAGS: PGOV PREL BK
SUBJECT: BOSNIA CAMPAIGN 2006: THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS LEADERS 
 
Classified By: Classified by DCM Judith Cefkin for reason 1.4(b) and (d 
). 
 
¶1. (U) This is the fifth in a planned series of cables 
covering themes relevant to the October 1, 2006 national 
elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina. 
 
¶2. (C) SUMMARY:  As Bosnians prepare to head to the polls 
this weekend, religious leaders have actively encouraged 
voter turnout, but also sought to manipulate the political 
process behind the scenes.  Though they publicly assert 
political neutrality and refrain from active campaigning, 
many religious leaders have engaged in behind-the-scenes 
attempts to influence the elections.  For example, national 
figures such as Reisu-l-Ulema Mustafa effendi Ceric and 
Cardinal Vinko Puljic sought to undermine Party of Democratic 
Action (SDA) presidential candidate Sulejman Tihic and 
Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), respectively.  In local 
communities, it is often the opinions of the lower ranking 
religious leaders whom voters encounter in their day-to-day 
lives that carry more weight.  These opinions, however, also 
clashed with their more senior clerics.  As the pre-election 
period comes to end, however, it seems that the nationalist 
and religious rhetoric so prevalent just a month ago has 
dissipated, a point that was emphasized at a meeting the 
Ambassador held with the leaders of Bosnia's four faiths on 
September 28.  After the meeting, Ambassador McElhaney and 
Bosnia's religious leaders issued a joint statement 
encouraging all Bosnians to vote.  END SUMMARY. 
 
AMBASSADOR MEETS WITH RELIGIOUS LEADERS 
--------------------------------------- 
 
¶3. (SBU) On September 28, Ambassador McElhaney met with the 
highest-level leaders of the Muslim, Catholic, Serb Orthodox 
and Jewish faiths in a discussion of the current situation in 
Bosnia and the election period to date.  This is the first 
time all four leaders have met with the Ambassador since 
constitutional reform efforts in March caused a rift.  The 
discussion centered on how politicians have handled their 
campaigns and whether rhetoric between political candidates 
is a sign of democratic progress as Bosnians learn to use 
dialogue instead of violence to air their differences. 
During the meeting there was also an open discussion of other 
issues facing the Bosnian religious community and the role of 
the United States in the promotion of tolerance and 
cooperation.  Ambassador McElhaney, together with the 
religious leaders, issued a press statement calling on all 
Bosnian citizens to vote in large numbers. 
 
THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 
--------------------------------------------- - 
 
¶4. (SBU) In a nation where ethnic identity is inextricably 
linked to religion, ninety-five percent of Bosnians 
characterize themselves as religious believers.  Even those 
who do not actively practice define themselves by their 
religious affiliation and ethnic based group -- 
Bosniak/Muslim, Serb/Orthodox, Croat/Catholic and Jewish. 
The highest representatives of Bosnia's four faiths meet at 
an Inter-Religious Council, which aims to promote tolerance 
and faith.  Yet these leaders often clash as they try to 
advocate for their own constituencies.  Religious leaders 
often find themselves at the center of political 
controversies because citizens who distrust their political 
leaders turn to religious leaders for guidance.  Many 
religious leaders, despite publicly professing tolerance, 
promote religious and nationalistic animosities, especially 
in Bosnia's rural areas where they have their greatest 
influence. 
 
THE ROLE OF THE ISLAMIC COMMUNITY 
--------------------------------- 
 
¶5. (SBU) The head of the Islamic Community, or Grand Mufti, 
holds the title of Reis and is the highest religious 
authority for all Muslims in the nation.  This position, 
currently held by Reisu-l-Ulema Mustafa effendi Ceric, 
changes every seven years following elections within the 
Islamic Community.  Eight Muftis who directly report to the 
Reis, represent the major regional areas of Banja Luka, 
Bihac, Gorazde, Mostar, Sarajevo, Travnik, Tuzla and Zenica. 
Imams working within a specific region fall under the 
direction of the Mufti for his region.  In rural areas of the 
Federation, including areas around Travnik and Zenica, the 
fundamentalist Wahhabi movement has separated itself from 
traditional Bosnian Islam.  Many believers argue that Reis 
Ceric has not done enough to distance the Islamic Community 
from this movement by taking a clear stand against it.  They 
criticize the Reis for offering implicit support by giving 
interviews to Wahhabi based media. 
 
SARAJEVO 00002320  002 OF 004 
 
 
 
¶6. (C)  Although the Islamic Community's decision making body 
(Rijaset) issued a directive prohibiting endorsements of 
political parties or candidates, individual Muslim leaders, 
and especially Reis Ceric, have been actively involved in the 
political fray.  Reis Ceric's pre-election activities offered 
not-so-subtle support for Party for Bosnia and Herzegovina 
(SBiH) leader Haris Silajdzic.  In the past few months, Reis 
Ceric has been quoted almost daily in Dnevni Avaz, a leading 
Bosniak Daily known to be very supportive of Silajdzic.  Reis 
Ceric has also been seen with Silajdzic at several important 
Islamic events, including the eleventh-year commemoration of 
the Srebrenica Massacre on July 11 and at another 
high-profile event in a downtown Sarajevo mosque where Reis 
Ceric allegedly pulled Silajdzic aside and encouraged his 
opposition to constitutional reform.  Allegedly, at this 
meeting, Reis Ceric gave Silajdzic the moral impetus to 
continue on his path towards drafting a new Bosnian 
constitution so that "Bosniaks will remember and praise (him) 
as they do Alija Izetbegovic." 
 
¶7.  (C) Ceric's public statements, however, have maintained 
an objective tone.  At a pre-Ramadan meeting with imams in 
Zenica, Reis Ceric reminded his colleagues about the Rijaset 
decision not to promote any political party or candidate, but 
did encourage all Muslims to vote since it is their religious 
obligation.  At the same time, Reis Ceric presented a list of 
ten items the Islamic Community expects from the forthcoming 
elections.  First on the list was the endorsement of 
constitutional reform that adheres to the Council of Europe's 
Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) resolution, a document for 
which Silajdzic lobbied heavily.  When the Ambassador 
questioned him about the list of priorities, Ceric said he 
endorsed the PACE resolution as a "middle ground," and denied 
supporting Silajdzic.  In late-July, the Reis also commented 
to over 5000 Bosniaks at the opening of a reconstructed 
mosque in Glamoc that there is a great rift among Bosniak 
politicians.  The Reis stated that Bosniak politicians in 
decision making positions "either have no ideals or ideals 
that reach no further than their own interests"  and urged 
them not to sell Bosniak honor for their own interests. 
These remarks, likely aimed at current Bosnian President 
Tihic and other top SDA officials, sparked heavy criticism 
from media outlets happy to remind readers of the Rijaset 
decision not to discuss politics in religious sermons. 
 
THE ROLE OF THE SERB ORTHODOX CHURCH 
------------------------------------ 
 
¶8. (C) The highest position in the Bosnian Serb Orthodox 
Church is currently held by Metropolitan Nikolaj.  Not 
surprisingly, the Serb Orthodox Church maintains its greatest 
influence in the Republika Srpska (RS).  Although the 
Metropolitan sits at the top of Bosnia's Serb Orthodox 
religious hierarchy, his bishops often wield more influence 
over the Orthodox flock.  The three most influential bishops 
have their seats in Trebinje, Bijeljina and Banja Luka. 
Vladika Grigorije of Trebinje, known as a rising star, may be 
the single most influential player in Bosnia's Serb Orthodox 
Church.  Vladika Kacavenda of Bijeljina is notorious for his 
support of Radovan Karadzic and ultra-nationalistic behavior. 
 Grigorije, Kacavenda and Vladika Jefrem of Banja Luka are 
the true political force in the Serb Orthodox Church in 
Bosnia. 
 
¶9. (C) The Serb Orthodox Church has maintained a low-profile 
during the pre-election period, but like other religious 
groups has been active in more subtle ways.  Prior to the 
elections, Bosnian Serb Orthodox Bishops agreed that they 
would not publicly support any specific party or politician. 
The Church and its leaders have since avoided overt 
statements or actions of political support.  Traditionally, 
the Serb Orthodox Church has supported the ultra-nationalist 
Serb Democratic Party (SDS), but recent events suggest that 
ties between the two are weakening.  In a private 
conversation with us, the extremely influential Vladika 
Grigorije told us he supports the Alliance of Independent 
Social Democrats (SNSD) and its leader RS Prime Minister 
Milorad Dodik.  Grigorije's influence not only in his own 
diocese, but also within all of the Republika Srpska, is so 
strong that even a subtle hint at support is likely to 
influence voter opinions. 
 
¶10. (C) Bijeljina Bishop Vladika Kacavenda often makes 
attempts to stir-up antagonisms between Serbs and Bosniak 
returnees in the RS, including holding ceremonies in churches 
built illegally on Bosniak property.  These activities, 
though nominally apolitical, are potent symbols for 
nationalists and help nationalistic politicians mobilize 
their base.  Hard-line nationalists are not the only 
politicians seeking Kacavenda's blessing, however.  It is 
 
SARAJEVO 00002320  003 OF 004 
 
 
widely rumored that Dodik recently visited him to ask for his 
political support.  Kacavenda allegedly agreed in exchange 
for assistance in the building of a Serb Orthodox Church. 
 
THE ROLE OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH 
------------------------------- 
 
¶11. (SBU)  The Bosnian Catholic Church's leadership consists 
of a Bishop's Conference of four main leaders.  Cardinal 
Vinko Puljic, seated in Sarajevo, is the highest ranking 
member of the conference and is regarded as the unofficial 
head of the Bosnian Catholic Church.  Although the Cardinal 
has the power to ordain priests, the Bishop's Conference is 
the main Catholic administrative body and consists of the 
Banja Luka Bishropic, Vrhbosna (Sarajevo) Bishropic, Mostar 
Bishropic and an auxiliary Bishopric also in Sarajevo.  Each 
Bishop is independent and reports directly to the Vatican 
(not the Cardinal), but also works within the joint body of 
the conference.  The Catholic Church also includes the 
Franciscan Order, mainly present near Sarajevo and in 
Herzegovina, who report to the Bishops but have independence 
with regard to education of priests and management of their 
own parishes.  The Franciscans have two main seats 
representing Herzegovina from Mostar and Bosnia from 
Sarajevo.  Traditionally, the Franciscans have been perceived 
as pro-Bosnian (i.e. supportive of Bosnia's sovereignty and 
territorial integrity and opposed to the creation of a third 
Croat entity). Since the constitutional reform debate last 
spring, the Franciscans have worked more closely with the 
overtly nationalist Cardinal Puljic.  Members of the Catholic 
Church told us that the Church perceives itself as the 
western-minded bridge between Bosnia's Eastern Orthodox Serbs 
and Muslim Bosniaks. 
 
¶12. (SBU)  The Catholic Church has been very active in the 
pre-election period, managing its own get-out-the vote 
campaign.  This initiative is largely in response to fears 
stemming from recent attempts at constitutional reform that 
Croats believed would have seriously limited their 
protections as an ethnic minority.  On June 9, the Catholic 
Bishops Conference issued a pastoral letter to all members of 
the church highlighting the importance of the forthcoming 
October elections and encouraging Catholic believers to vote. 
 Specifically, the letter urged Catholics to take the 
elections seriously and vote in large numbers, especially in 
light of the "bitter memories" of the recent attempts at 
constitutional reform and because "abstinence from voting 
means letting others determine our destiny." Catholic leaders 
also appealed to Croat political parties to form coalitions, 
especially at the state level "so as not to waste even one 
Croat vote."  On July 2, this letter was read in every 
Bosnian Catholic Church in lieu of a traditional Sunday 
sermon. 
 
¶13. (C)  The Catholic Church has not, however, presented a 
similarly unified platform with regard to the two main Croat 
political parties.  In public statements, the Catholic Church 
appears split between the Bishop's Conference support of 
ultra-nationalist, breakaway party Croatian Democratic 
Union-1990 (HDZ-1990) led by Bozo Ljubic, while the 
Franciscans and other rural priests still favor the 
traditional and well-established favorite, Croatian 
Democratic Union (HDZ) and its leader Ivo Miro Jovic.  In a 
meeting with Sarajevo's Vicar Mato Zovkic, he indicated to us 
that Bosnia's Catholic Bishops decided together to lend 
support to HDZ-1990 over HDZ exclusively because the latter 
approved the U.S. brokered constitutional reform efforts. 
According to Zovkic, the Bosnian Catholic Church will never 
support any party or candidate who supports constitutional 
reform.  HDZ-1990, which opposed the March constitutional 
reform package, is seen as better able to protect the 
national interests of Bosnia's small Croat minority, Zovkic 
told us.  (Zovkic further explained that the Catholic Church 
in Bosnia believes that the U.S. is trying to compensate for 
its wars against Muslims in Afghanistan and Iraq by catering 
to Bosniaks in an effort to prove our foreign policies are 
pro-Muslim.)  Immediately prior to their party convention on 
September 2, Cardinal Puljic issued a letter of goodwill to 
HDZ-1990.  This gesture, seen as a clear political 
declaration of support for HDZ-1990, was boosted by the 
backing of Croatian Prime Minister Ivo Sanader, and was all 
that HDZ-1990 needed to become a true contender in the Croat 
race.  The Cardinal later stated that he had sent letters of 
goodwill to all Croat-based parties and that "as a pastor of 
all Catholic believers (he) does not favor any political 
party because doing so would alienate other believers in his 
pastoral care."  Although HDZ candidates have played down the 
importance of this letter in meetings with us, it is clear 
that at least initially, the Bishop's Conference lent their 
support to HDZ-1990. 
 
 
SARAJEVO 00002320  004 OF 004 
 
 
THE ROLE OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITY 
-------------------------------- 
 
¶14. (SBU) The Jewish community plays a limited but important 
role in the Bosnian interfaith dialogue.  This small 
community of approximately 1000 believers maintains a special 
place in Bosnian society because of its long history as 
mediator and honest broker between the three other 
constituent religions.  Jakob Finci, President of the Bosnian 
Jewish Community, maintains a balanced and constructive role 
in the inter-faith dialogue but has not taken an active role 
in the pre-election period except to encourage citizens to 
vote. 
 
COMMENT 
------- 
 
¶15. (C) COMMENT:  Although political activism among Bosnia's 
religious leaders seems to have decreased in these last few 
days before the election, their summertime campaigning will 
likely play an important roll in Sunday's election results. 
At the September 28 meeting with Ambassador McElhaney, 
Bosnia's religious leaders emphasized interfaith rather than 
political messages. This weekend's 48-hour period of campaign 
silence for politicians, however, gives religious leaders a 
perfect last-minute opportunity at Friday, Saturday and 
Sunday services to encourage their own believers to vote and 
even to vote a certain way. In rural regions where religion 
plays a greater role in everyday life, perceived support by 
religious leaders whether for SBiH, HDZ-1990 or SNSD, will 
certainly have an impact on votes.  Because the Bosnian 
people have little, if any, faith in their political leaders, 
they look to their religious leaders for political guidance 
and often follow it.  One religious leader summarized the 
situation to us by saying that in Bosnia "it is impossible to 
separate religious leaders from politics because those 
leaders feel the need to voice the concerns of the people - 
like a shepherdly protection of one's own community, but 
immune from the disapproval of the U.S. or other political 
actors."  If this is true, Bosnians who vote "their 
consciences" may simply be acting on the explicit or implicit 
direction they receive from their imams and priests. 
MCELHANEY