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DE RUEHUP #1902/01 2631648
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INFO RUEHZL/EUROPEAN POLITICAL COLLECTIVE PRIORITY

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 BUDAPEST 001902 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPARTMENT PLEASE PASS TO NSC - DAMON WILSON 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/19/2011 
TAGS: PGOV KDEM HU
SUBJECT: PM GYURCSANY ON CONTINUING PROTESTS 
 
REF: BUDAPEST 1886 
 
Classified By: POL/C ERIC V. GAUDIOSI; REASONS 1.4 (B) AND (D) 
 
¶1.  (C) Summary: Anti-government demonstrations continued in 
Budapest and elsewhere in Hungary September 19 - 20, with 
crowds estimated in excess of 10,000 gathering around 
parliament and isolated incidents of violence - driven by 
small numbers of vandals - occuring at sites including MSZP 
party headquarters.  Addressing the diplomatic community 
September 20, a composed PM Gyurcsany reaffirmed his 
commitment to reform, identified a small minority as 
responsible for the violence, underscored his belief that the 
governing coalition will do well in the upcoming elections, 
and expressed confidence that the authorities will bring the 
situation under control before the 50th anniversary 
celebrations.  END SUMMARY 
 
¶2.  (SBU) Demonstrations against the Gyurcsany government 
continued September 19 - 20, with a small group outside 
Parliament growing to an estimated 10,000 - 20,000 in the 
evening.  Isolated violence was reported at sites including 
MSZP party headquarters, where a crowd of several hundred 
clashed with police, but the authorities appear to have been 
both better prepared and more proactive than the night 
before.  50 - 60 demonstrators and 20 police officers were 
reported injured. 
 
¶3.  (SBU) Although the opposition continues to call for 
Gyurcsany's resignation, all five major parties did agree to 
a virtually unanimous parliamentary statement condemning the 
violence September 19, although FIDESZ continues to refer to 
the upcoming local elections as a referendum "between honesty 
and lies."  President Solyom has joined with PM Gyurcsany and 
Parliament Speaker Szili in characterizing the violence as 
"criminal." 
 
¶4.  (SBU) To date, the demonstrations have grown dramatically 
from small vigils in the daylight to larger, diverse, and 
generally orderly gatherings in the early evening.  The 
crowds have changed drastically in the late evening, however, 
as families leave and skinheads and soccer hooligans arrive - 
with ample alcohol on (and in) them. 
 
¶5.  (C) In a somber but confident address to resident 
ambassadors September 20, PM Gyurcsany emphasized his 
commitment to continuing fundamental reforms, identified a 
small number of individuals as the driving force behind the 
violence, and expressed confidence that the government would 
do well in the local elections October 1 and restore 
Hungary's "normal face" before the 50th anniversary 
celebrations October 23. 
 
¶6.  (C) Placing the comments on the "Gyurcsany tape" in 
context, the PM referred to the "deep political schism" that 
had tempted all parties with the "urge of social 
irresponsibility" and placed victory above morality.  He 
stated that his "dramatic monologue" to an MSZP party meeting 
soon after its victory in the April elections had been 
intended to underscore the necessity of using the 
government's electoral mandate to move beyond the 
"unsustainable" and "irresponsible" policies of the past.  He 
believes his remarks unified the governing coalition, and 
underscored his "firm intention" to carry on with both the 
convergence plan and with broader institutional reforms.  He 
has no intention of "abdicating," and believes the MSZP is 
united behind him "without secrets or factions."  (Comment: 
Based on our contacts with others in the party, the latter 
claim may be more a statement of aspiration than of fact. 
End Comment)  Turning to the local elections, Gyurcsany 
predicted a strong showing by the coalition in Budapest and 
in urban areas throughout the country, but made clear that he 
will move forward "even if there is a landslide against me," 
reaching out to "local officials regardless of party" but 
without compromising on the government's composition or its 
policies.  He cited Debrecen Mayor Lajos Kosa, with whom 
Ambassador Foley met September 19, for his public pledge to 
"protect the MSZP headquarters with my own body if 
necessary," as an example of an opposition figure with whom 
the government could work constructively. 
 
¶7.  (C) The Prime Minister acknowledged conjecture regarding 
FIDESZ's role in the release of the tape but is focused on 
solving problems rather than pursuing "the unknowable." 
Doing so will require political will and police work.  He 
credited the police with standing up to "very substantial 
street conflicts," driven by a hard core of "50 - 300 soccer 
hooligans, paid enforcers, and riot activists" who had "no 
political objective."  He made clear that he has no interest 
in seeing the present atmosphere continue.  He believes this 
will require "a matter of weeks," admitting the damage done 
 
BUDAPEST 00001902  002 OF 002 
 
 
to his own credibility and expressing regret regarding the 
damage the violence had done to Hungary's image. 
 
¶8.  (C) Responding to questions, Gyurcsany referred to 
September 23 FIDESZ rally as an initiative the majority of 
the party opposed but on which Orban himself had insisted. 
Citing ongoing contacts with the opposition, he reiterated 
his willingness to talk to "those interested in restoring 
order."  He also warned of the "overlap of the mainstream and 
the extreme right" in Hungary and elsewhere in the region, 
commenting that "the moderates do not pacify the extremists; 
the extremists infect the moderates."   He believes the 
situation will return to normal before the 50th anniversary 
celebrations, commenting that "not even I would accuse the 
opposition" of "soiling the memory of the revolution" with 
"violence in the streets."  He also conveyed his apologies 
for the defacement of the Soviet WW II memorial in Szabadsag 
Ter, emphasizing Hungary's respect for the "pride of all 
nations." 
 
¶9.  (C) Asked about next steps regarding the convergence 
plan, Gyurcsany explained that he had resolved not to wait 
until after the local elections to move forward because "it 
is better to swallow a bitter pill immediately - especially 
if you are sick."  The budget deficit is "unacceptable in 
every respect," and "past practice - not our policy" was 
"unnatural."  After "16 years without a single reform," 
Hungary must address its problems through short-term 
adjustments and long-term reforms.  The people must realize 
that "freedom comes with responsibility, and that the 
government will no longer "shield the people from competition 
and reform" but will exorcise the "ghosts of Kadarism." 
 
¶10.  (C) In conclusion, Gyurcsany appealed to the diplomatic 
community to "help my government and help me personally" by 
putting his comments in context.  He also asked that 
embassies inform their governments that his government will 
do everything in its power to return to "normal life."  They 
are exerting a "strong effort" to "control the situation" and 
will restore Hungary's "traditional face" before the 50th 
anniversary.  He encouraged the diplomatic community to come 
to the government "anytime" with questions and concerns. 
 
¶11.  (C) Comment: Thoughtful but resolute, Gyurcsany was very 
much in command of the facts and of the situation.  His 
comments to the diplomatic community reflect a leader who has 
considered the political, economic, and moral aspects of the 
issue ... and emerged convinced that his course of action is 
both right and worth defending.  End Comment. 
 
 
FOLEY