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C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 PARIS 005182 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/01/2016 
TAGS: PREL PGOV PHUM KDEM TO FR
SUBJECT: TOGO:  MEETING WITH GILCHRIST OLYMPIO:  UPBEAT BUT 
CAUTIOUS 
 
REF: A. LOME 737 
     ¶B. PARIS 1919 
     ¶C. LOME 741 
 
PARIS 00005182  001.2 OF 004 
 
 
Classified By:  Political Minister-Counselor Josiah Rosenblatt, reason 
1.5 (b/d). 
 
¶1.  (U)  This is an action message:  See para 12. 
 
¶2.  (C)  SUMMARY:  Togolese opposition leader and UFC chief 
Gilchrist Olympio told us on July 27 that he agreed to the 
naming of Burkina Faso President Campaore as facilitator for 
political dialogue between the GOT and opposition political 
groups.  However, much remained to be determined as to the 
modalities of the talks, Campaore's role, and the Faure 
regime's commitment to work with the opposition.  He stressed 
the need for establishing free and fair legislative 
elections, and abiding by the 1992 constitution, stripped of 
amendments Eyadema engineered during his final years, as a 
basis for going forward.  Olympio said the Faure government 
wanted to hold legislative elections early in 2007, in order 
to hold them before French presidential elections scheduled 
for May 2007 and the resulting likely change in French 
leadership, but Olympio doubted they could be held that soon. 
 Olympio encouraged engagement by the international community 
in Togo's political dialogue and elections processes, noting 
that the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights had recently 
agreed to open an office in Lome.  He welcomed any assistance 
the U.S. could provide in making Togo the subject of UNSC 
attention, for instance, through a UNSC Press Statement 
supporting Campaore as mediator of a reinvigorated political 
dialogue, and the opening of a UN office in Togo through 
UNSYG Annan's good offices.  Olympio discussed briefly 
Catholic-Freemason tensions in France and Togo, which had the 
effect of marginalizing engagement by Sant'Egidio.  Olympio 
said he would travel to the U.S. and Mexico during late in 
August and would welcome a meeting with USG officials in New 
York or Washington.  ACTION REQUEST:  Department guidance in 
response to Olympio's offer of availability for New York or 
Washington meetings. See para 12 for details.  END ACTION 
REQUEST AND SUMMARY. 
 
¶3.  (C)  Gilchrist Olympio, head of the UFC party and leading 
member of Togo's opposition, called on Embassy Africa Watcher 
on July 27, accompanied by UFC Communications Counselor Isaac 
Tchiakpe.  Discussion of political developments in Togo 
generally tracked with ref A; ref B reports our last meeting 
with Olympio in March. 
 
Campaore and Political Dialogue 
------------------------------- 
¶4.  (C)  In an upbeat mood (see concluding Comment), Olympio 
discussed the naming on July 25 of Burkina Faso President 
Campaore as facilitator of Togo's political dialogue.  He 
said that "yesterday" (July 26) the parties reached final 
agreement on this issue.  With seven parties accepting 
Campaore, the UFC "couldn't say 'no,'" Olympio said, 
especially after the UFC's "sister party" (the CDPA) had 
proposed Campaore.  Now the task would be to define 
Campaore's role.  Olympio said that he wanted Campaore to 
engage personally as a "mediator" actively taking part in 
negotiations and not as a "facilitator" who would simply 
bring the parties together.  Olympio did not express complete 
confidence in Campaore, whom he declined to describe as a 
friend, but said that he was not opposed to him, despite his 
"closeness to France."  He believed Campaore was nonetheless 
capable of acting impartially.  Olympio believed that 
Campaore was close to Chirac "and the other Gaullists," 
including PM de Villepin, and said that if Chirac told 
Campaore to do something, Campaore would do so.  Olympio 
noted that the group was quick to settle on Campaore after 
other candidates (e.g., Carl Bildt, Lakhdar Brahimi, Kenneth 
Kaunda, Alpha Oumar Konare, and Jerry Rawlings) failed to 
achieve consensus support.  Olympio said that a plenary 
meeting of the parties to the talks could take place as soon 
as Campaore accepts and modalities for the talks are 
determined. 
 
¶5.  (C)  Olympio said that he had already made clear to 
Campaore, and would do so again, that it was important that 
Campaore be personally engaged and that he not operate by 
proxy.  Of course he could not be expected to abandon his job 
as Burkina Faso's president, so it might be necessary to move 
the talks to Ouagadougou. 
 
Elections 
--------- 
¶6.  (C)  Olympio said that establishing a free, fair, and 
 
PARIS 00005182  002.2 OF 004 
 
 
transparent electoral process, first concentrating on 
legislative elections, was of prime concern.  The 1998 and 
1999 election registers, although flawed, could serve as the 
basis of identifying voters.  Technically, Olympio could be a 
candidate for a legislative seat.  However, he noted that 
just four days before, the GOT indicated that no one over the 
age of 65 could run for President, a gesture directed at him 
personally, he believed.  In contrast, he noted that an 
earlier law requiring a presidential candidate to be at least 
45 years old was expeditiously scrapped towards the end of 
Eyadema's life to accommodate Faure ("the boy was 39 then," 
Olympio observed).  This was in line with the GOT's ability 
and practice "to do whatever it wants."  Olympio opposed the 
GOT's aim to hold a single round of elections, saying that 
there had to be two rounds, as was the case in many other 
countries.  Louis Michel, EU Commissioner for Development and 
Humanitarian Aid, told Olympio he favored avoiding the 
registers altogether by issuing voter cards to anyone who 
could prove an age of 18 or more.  Olympio said that a formal 
census would take too long and that a system along Michel's 
lines could cost 12-14 million USD.  Not fully endorsing 
Michel's idea, Olympio commented that much of Michel's 
African experience was in the DRC and that he tended to view 
other African countries through that prism, which was not 
always appropriate.  Olympio believed that the EU could 
provide funding for such a voter registration process. 
 
¶7.  (C)  Another dilemma was Togo's constitution and how to 
establish an electoral process, defined by law, without 
having to change the constitution.  Olympio believed the 1992 
constitution, approved by 98 percent of Togolese, including 
Eyadema's supporters, could still serve as a useful 
instrument, if stripped of the many amendments that Eyadema 
made to it, especially in his last years.  However, if a 
democratically-oriented legislature could be elected, then it 
could go about changing the electoral laws and, if necessary, 
the constitution.  Olympio complained that changes were also 
necessary concerning the Prime Ministry; under the current 
system, Togo's President could hire and fire ministers at 
will, despite the Prime Minister and the political make-up of 
the legislature. 
 
¶8.  (C)  Olympio said he told Faure during their July 2005 
meeting in Rome that they both knew Faure would obtain only 
10 percent of the vote in a free election, and that Faure 
should agree that his government was transitional, in 
anticipation of eventual free and fair legislative elections. 
 Olympio described to us another scenario involving Faure's 
agreement to shorten his mandate to three years in order to 
hold presidential elections sooner.  Olympio believed that 
the GOT wanted to hold legislative elections in February 2007 
and that Faure indicated such a date because he wanted to be 
sure the elections took place before Chirac's likely 
departure from power after the May 2007 French elections.  On 
the subject of a change in France's Africa policy 
post-Chirac, Olympio said that one of Interior Minister (and 
presidential hopeful) Sarkozy's foreign policy advisors 
assured him that France's policies would change under a new 
president, whether of the left or right.  Africa's 
French-centric old order, now represented by Chad's Deby, 
Gabon's Bongo, and Cameroon's Biya, would be on its way out. 
 
¶9.  (C)  Olympio elaborated on how the legislative elections 
should take place.  There should be a second round; 
"discriminatory" laws barring certain candidates should be 
eliminated; the Togolese army should not take to the streets; 
foreign observers, including military observers to watch the 
army, should be deployed; and 1,500 gendarmes (which could 
include Togolese) could also be deployed, per Louis Michel's 
suggestion.  The foreign and military observers should be 
available before, during, and after the elections. 
 
¶10.  (C)  The GOT's February 2007 target date for legislative 
elections was not feasible, Olympio said, given the many 
issues that first had to be settled, including meeting EU 
requirements for credible elections as set forth in the EU's 
22 conditions for restarting Togo-EU relations. 
 
UNHCHR and UNSC 
--------------- 
¶11.  (C)  Olympio was happy to report that the Office of the 
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights had agreed only a week 
previously to open an office in Lome, which could take place 
in September (ref C).  He met with High Commissioner Louise 
Arbour in February 2006 and asked that such an office be 
established.  Regarding the UN and a role for the UNSC, 
Olympio said he spoke on July 26 with UNSYG Annan, who 
reminded him that a country, preferably an SC member, would 
 
PARIS 00005182  003.2 OF 004 
 
 
have to propose action to the Council.  Olympio thought that 
the UNSC could speak out against Togo's human rights record 
and history of extra-judicial killings.  We noted that at 
this stage, a UNSC Press Statement might be more timely, 
supporting the naming of Campaore as mediator and the 
prospects for meaningful dialogue.  Olympio agreed that this 
would be useful.  Olympio said that he suggested to UNSYG 
Annan that the UN, under Annan's good offices, open an office 
in Togo.  The U.S. could play a useful role in supporting the 
opening of such an office, Olympio said. 
 
Available to Talk to USG 
------------------------ 
¶12.  (C)  Olympio said he planned on traveling to Mexico for 
a wedding, transiting through New York, late in August.  He 
said that he would be more than willing to meet with USG 
officials on either leg of his trip if there were interest on 
the U.S. side, and would be flexible on timing, to the extent 
that the date of the wedding permitted.  He would travel to 
Washington if necessary, although a meeting in New York would 
be more convenient.  We told him that we would convey this 
point to Washington and follow-up with him as appropriate. 
ACTION REQUEST:  Post requests Department guidance on 
Olympio's offer to meet with USG officials in either New York 
or Washington during his upcoming trip.  Olympio on August 1 
provided the following travel schedule:  Aug 21 (arrive New 
York, depart for Mexico); Aug 26 (wedding in Mexico); Aug 28 
(return to New York); Aug 29 (depart New York for Paris). 
END ACTION REQUEST. 
 
Relations with the GOF and with the Faure Regime 
--------------------------------------------- --- 
¶13.  (C)  Olympio said that the GOF did not seem interested 
in maintaining a productive dialogue with him, going so far 
as to tell him that talking with Presidential Africa Advisor 
Bonnecorse would be a "waste of time."  He believed, however, 
that the French might be more willing to meet with him now 
that circumstances had changed and the UFC was seen as 
engaging the GOT in dialogue.  Olympio described recent 
positive meetings with members of the Faure regime, one of 
which took place on July 6 and lasted seven hours at 
Olympio's apartment.  Faure's Advisor Pascal Bodjona was 
among the participants.  Olympio said he (Olympio) expressed 
"no hard feelings" to the GOT representatives and was able to 
speak his mind freely.  He laid out his priorities, stressing 
the need to work for Togo's future.  A second meeting took 
place later in Accra, when seven members of Faure's inner 
circle, again including Bodjona, met with Olympio at their 
request.  He said that these members of Faure's regime seemed 
to agree with his main points on the way forward.  He 
acknowledged that they could of course have been acting as 
though they agreed with him. 
 
Catholics and Freemasons 
------------------------ 
¶14.  (C)  When asked about Sant'Egidio's role concerning 
Togo, Olympio said he spoke regularly with Sant'Egidio 
representative Mario Giro.  However, Olympio and Tchiakpe 
noted that there was tension in France and Togo between 
Catholics and Freemasons, which was impeding Sant'Egidio's 
efforts at engagement.  Freemasonry was widespread and 
popular in Togo, they commented; Faure and other leading 
Togolese were active Freemasons, as were Campaore and C.A.R. 
President Bozize, Olympio said.  There were lodges throughout 
Togo, Olympio asserted.  Freemasons tended to view a Catholic 
association such as Sant'Egidio with skepticism.  Olympio 
said that Louis Michel was a Freemason, along with others in 
France involved with Togo, which contributed to Sant'Egidio's 
marginalization.  Olympio said that he was approached by the 
Freemasons in France in 2004 and asked to give a speech at a 
local lodge, but he told them he could do so only after 
returning from a December holiday to India to visit his 
wife's family.  The lodge said he could speak on any subject 
and did not ask for an advance text.  Noting that this was 
shortly before Eyadema's death, Olympio said that the lodge 
then phoned him while he was in India and asked that he 
postpone his speech.  He did so, noting that he had since 
heard nothing further about making the speech.  He did not 
rule out GOF pressure on the Freemasons to have the speech 
canceled. 
 
COMMENT 
------- 
¶15.  (C)  Olympio was in a markedly more relaxed and upbeat 
mood than he was when we last met with him in March (ref B). 
The naming of Campaore, the prospect of political dialogue, 
and the respect he has been given by Faure collaborators seem 
to have energized him, and he made his points in a more 
 
PARIS 00005182  004.2 OF 004 
 
 
focused and organized manner than he had previously. 
Remarkably, he accepted the notion of the Faure government's 
staying in place as a transition to a more "proper" 
democracy.  At the same time, he expressed no illusions about 
the obstacles ahead and the likelihood that the Faure regime 
could well create new ones as the process creeps forward. 
END COMMENT. 
 
 
 
Please visit Paris' Classified Website at: 
http://www.state.sgov.gov/p/eur/paris/index.c fm 
 
STAPLETON