VZCZCXYZ0038
PP RUEHWEB

DE RUEHCL #0409/01 1151445
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 251445Z APR 06
FM AMCONSUL CASABLANCA
TO RUEHC/DEPT OF LABOR WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 6524
INFO RUEHRB/AMEMBASSY RABAT PRIORITY 7544

C O N F I D E N T I A L CASABLANCA 000409 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE PLEASE PASS TO USAID 
LABOR ALSO FOR ILAB 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/25/2016 
TAGS: MO PGOV PHUM PINR PREL
SUBJECT: CASABLANCA SLUMS: IT'S NOT JUST SIDI MOUMEN ANYMORE 
 
REF: 05 CASABLANCA 01314 
 
Classified By: Principal Officer Douglas C. Greene reasons 1.4 (b) and 
(d) 
 
¶1.  (SBU)  Summary: On a recent visit to a local 
"bidonville" (Moroccan term for shantytown), Poloff and 
Econoff spoke with several young adults about life in 
Morocco, opportunities for youth, and their views of the 
United States.  Officers also toured the bidonville, home 
to approximately 2,500 disenfranchised Moroccans, to see 
firsthand the living conditions that many agree are 
breeding grounds for extremism.  Bidonvilles have become a 
source of concern both in Morocco and internationally since 
it was discovered that the majority of the May 16, 2003, 
Casablanca bombers were from aCasablanca bidonville called 
"Sidi Moumen." 
Sidi Moumen has since received an influx of money and 
attention, 
including new apartment buildings, access to electricity and 
water, increased police presence , high-level visits and a 
new youth center inaugurated by King Mohammed VI himself. 
There remain, however, hundreds of other bidonvilles 
throughout Morocco that are mired in poverty and street 
crime, and suffer from lack of opportunity and hope.  End 
Summary. 
 
----------------------- 
The Moroccan Bidonville 
----------------------- 
 
¶2.  (SBU) In May, 2003, Moroccan bidonvilles captured 
international attention after Moroccan authorities 
confirmed that eleven of the twelve suicide bombers who 
struck in coordinated attacks in five different locations 
across the city of Casablanca, came from one local slum 
named Sidi Moumen.  Since then hundreds of thousands of 
dollars have been invested in the neighborhood and the 
results are apparent to even the most casual observers 
(reftel). Newly constructed youth centers, active NGOs, 
education and training centers, and several new government 
buildings (including predictably, a new local office for 
the Ministry of Interior) have appeared in the district 
over the past two years.  Clearly, Sidi Moumen has 
undergone a major transformation, but unfortunately other 
bidonvilles throughout the country are not benefiting from 
the same level of interest, even though they could pose the 
same risks. 
 
-------------------------------------------- 
The Dissatisfaction of Disenfranchised Youth 
-------------------------------------------- 
 
¶3.  (U) Poloff and Econoff met with five young inhabitants 
of a local bidonville, one of hundreds scattered throughout 
many cities in Morocco.  The group consisted of two young 
women, both unemployed, recent graduates from the faculty 
of Islamic Law, and three young men, aged 17 to 19, 
employed in a local textile factory.  They spoke openly on 
many subjects including their home lives, jobs, and what 
their futures may, or may not, hold.  They expressed their 
views on political parties in Morocco, the government, and 
Morocco's relationship with the United States. 
 
¶4.  (SBU) The young men, all working on six month contracts 
at a small local jeans factory, earned about nine dirhams 
(USD 1) an hour and are kept on short contracts, saving the 
company from paying benefits.  Two of the three claimed to 
be the sole bread winners for their families, paying the 
costs for younger siblings' educational needs and 
supporting their parents.  The most talkative and cynical 
of the group, Mustafa, passionately railed against the 
government and the political parties.  While not condemning 
any party in particular, he clearly considered politicians 
in general to be inherently corrupt.  According to Mustafa, 
local politicians repeatedly make promises to improve life 
in the bidonville while campaigning, but both promises and 
politicians inevitably disappear post-election.  Despite 
the fact that he is 17 and too young to vote, Mustafa 
claimed it was widely know that every political party, save 
the Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP), pays a going 
rate of 100 dirhams a vote. 
 
¶5.  (SBU) The two women, while less pessimistic about 
Moroccan politics, were equally disillusioned about 
employment opportunities and the economic future of 
Morocco.  The women informed us that months earlier they 
had been unsuccessful in their application for positions as 
teachers with the Ministry of Islamic Affairs.  While 
seemingly in no hurry to find work, the two were being 
encouraged by one of their former professors to start an 
NGO that would provide remedial education to illiterate 
women (a niche in Moroccan society often filled by women.) 
 
¶6.  (SBU) The youth were as cynical toward businessmen as 
they were toward politicians, and were unable to identify a 
single Moroccan businessman whom they would consider a role 
model.  Even Miloud Chaabi, the well known Moroccan 
industrialist famous for his philanthropic efforts was 
vilified.  "If he is such a good man why do his drivers 
live in my neighborhood" Mustafa asked.  It was evident in 
the minds of these young bidonville residents, success in 
business is considered suspect.  "If a man makes money in 
business he must be corrupt and paying bribes" explained 
Mustafa, "there is no other way in this country." 
 
------------------------------- 
Not Even the Dogs Would be Left 
------------------------------- 
 
¶7.  (SBU) As the discussion turned to future goals, Mustafa 
spoke keenly about his desire to emigrate to Spain or 
Italy, legally or otherwise.  In fact, two in the group 
already had brothers working in Italy as menial laborers. 
It was not clear just how the brothers emigrated but it was 
very clear that Mustafa and others like him are eager to 
follow in their footsteps.  Mustafa was sure that it would 
not matter what he did there, wash dishes or drive a taxi, 
anything, according to him, would be better than his job in 
Morocco.  "They have human rights there, but here", he 
complained, "you get no respect at your job."  He went on 
to say that if the border to the EU were open everyone in 
Morocco would leave.  "Not even the dogs would be left." 
This notion was challenged by one of the women who were 
sure that, yes, everyone would go at first but a month or 
two later many would return due to lack of opportunity 
there as well. 
 
---------------- 
US and Morocco 
---------------- 
 
¶8.  (SBU) When asked their thoughts on the United States, 
the response was typical and straightforward: the US should 
not be in Iraq and should distance itself from Israel.  The 
young people questioned why the USG did not help Morocco 
more financially and seemed genuinely shocked to learn the 
amount of USG funds invested in Morocco last year and the 
amount proposed for the MCC.  The shock was short-lived, 
however, as the five saw this as yet another opportunity to 
blame the GOM for misuse of funds and lack of concern for 
the poor. 
 
--------------------------- 
A Walkabout in a Bidonville 
--------------------------- 
 
¶9.  (U) The word bidonville literally translates to tin-can 
city, a depressingly accurate description of the corrugated 
tin hovels making up these shantytowns around Morocco.  The 
bidonville we visited housed approximately 2500 
inhabitants, all dependent on four communal water faucets, 
illegally tapped electricity (for the hundreds of satellite 
dishes and televisions), and with no solid waste removal or 
sewer system.  No one could tell us the age of this 
particular bidonville, but all five claimed to have been 
born there and have lived there for their entire lives. 
They expressed this fact with a tone of hopelessness, 
suggestion that change for them would never come. 
 
----------------- 
Be on the Lookout 
----------------- 
 
¶10.  (SBU) In addition, we also spoke directly with 
residents of Sidi Moumen, including several high school 
teachers who taught students that were incarcerated on 
terrorism-related charges by Moroccan authorities after the 
May 16th, 2003 bombings.  Although at first reluctant to 
engage officers, the teachers gradually opened up and 
admitted to having seen the early signs of indoctrination. 
"We all saw it", one said, describing how the four former 
students (two sets of brothers) started to wear traditional 
Afghan robes to class and began growing beards.  "Once they 
tried to lecture me because I wanted the students to sing a 
song in class", a teacher recounted.  "They said it was 
against Islam, and so I challenged them to show me where in 
the Koran it says that."  Much like in the aftermath of 
school-shooting tragedies in the United States, Sidi Moumen 
residents admit to seeing the warning signs but failing to 
act.  The teachers blamed Saudi and Moroccan extremists 
from "outside the community" for coming to the local Mosque 
to recruit.  "They went to the Mosque to watch people" one 
teacher described, "watching who prays and how often." 
From the teacher's perspective ignorance and poverty may 
continue to make residents, especially youth, vulnerable to 
extremism despite the money and attention Sidi Moumen has 
received. 
 
------- 
Comment 
------- 
 
¶11.  (C)  What we saw and heard at the bidonville we visited 
represents a snapshot.  However, it confirms our view that 
despite the GOM focus on Sidi Moumen, the broader challenge 
is not being adequately addressed.  The GOM is making efforts 
to replace the  bidonvilles with high-rise, low income 
housing 
projects such as the ones we see around Casablanca.  Our 
sense, 
though, is that this is akin to treating the symptom and not 
the 
disease.  Casablanca's poor move into these projects, but new 
economic opportunities do not come with the move.  The result, 
over time, is likely to be vertical shantytowns.  At the same 
time new people, desperate for economic opportunity, arrive in 
Casablanca from the countryside to take their places in the 
bidonvilles.  Until the underlying issues are addressed, the 
bidonvilles and their high-rise replacements will likely 
continue 
to be fertile territory for extremists targeting poor, 
hopeless 
youth. 
GREENE