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OO RUEHCHI RUEHDT RUEHHM RUEHNH
DE RUEHPF #0585/01 0861116
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
O 271116Z MAR 06
FM AMEMBASSY PHNOM PENH
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 6357
INFO RUCNASE/ASEAN MEMBER COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHGV/USMISSION GENEVA PRIORITY 1363
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM  PRIORITY

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 PHNOM PENH 000585 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE FOR EAP/MLS; GENEVA FOR RMA 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 03/24/2019 
TAGS: PGOV PREL KDEM PHUM CB
SUBJECT: CAMBODIA: FUNCINPEC'S ONGOING STRUGGLES 
 
Classified By: PolOff Brent Soderborg, Reason 1.4 (b) and (d) 
 
¶1.  (C)  Summary.  Senior FUNCINPEC official Serey Kosal told 
us March 23 about the reasons for Ranariddh's resignation 
from the National Assembly presidency, the struggle within 
the party to designate candidates for government positions, 
CPP's role in undermining the royalists, and actions that 
might allow FUNCINPEC to bolster its position.  Former King 
Sihanouk is aware of the party's ills, has been in contact 
with Ranariddh in Paris, but is unlikely to play a 
high-profile role in working out the party's organizational 
problems.  (Since the discussion, PM Hun Sen has dismissed 
three FUNCINPEC governors, before Ranariddh could act to 
discipline them himself.)  Recent events confirm FUNCINPEC's 
continued disarray and the opposition's enthusiasm to see its 
former ally's demise.  Nevertheless, we think it likely 
FUNCINPEC will limp on in a weakened state, if for no other 
reason because the CPP has an interest in maintaining an 
alternative to Sam Rainsy's opposition party.  End Summary. 
 
Why Ranariddh Resigned from the NA 
---------------------------------- 
 
¶2.  (C)  Serey Kosal, senior FUNCINPEC official and Senior 
Minister in the RGC, met with DCM, Pol/Econ Chief, and PolOff 
on March 23 to discuss the problems facing the royal party. 
Kosal started off by saying he was saddened by the problems 
he sees in all three political parties, including FUNCINPEC. 
He said there will be more developments affecting FUNCINPEC's 
internal affairs, FUNCINPEC's relations with the CPP, and 
FUNCINPEC's stability in the future. 
 
¶3.  (C)  According to Kosal, Ranariddh had no choice but to 
resign as president of the National Assembly.  Kosal then 
listed the well-known list of issues discussed in the media 
and with other FUNCINPEC sources:  CPP's breach of the 
parties' agreement not to interfere in each other's affairs, 
Hun Sen's rejection of Ranariddh's proposals to reshuffle 
FUNCINPEC cabinet ministers, removal of poorly performing 
provincial-level officials, and rejection of the proposal to 
create a Ministry of Immigration.  With the 50 percent plus 
one formula having passed the National Assembly, Kosal said 
that Ranariddh knew he could be removed from his post, so it 
was better for him to resign.  Kosal reiterated Ranariddh's 
desire to work with FUNCINPEC supporters at the grassroots 
level. 
 
¶4.  (C)  Prior to Ranariddh's resignation, Kosal mentioned 
there was also rumor that FUNCINPEC and the SRP planned to 
join forces with the Chea Sim/Sar Kheng faction of the CPP to 
oppose Hun Sen.  In response, Hun Sen allowed Sam Rainsy to 
return and began interfering in FUNCINPEC's internal affairs 
through Nhek Bun Chhay and others within the party close to 
the CPP.  DCM asked if it was true that Nhek Bun Chhay had 
assisted Hun Sen in resisting a 1994 attempt within the CPP 
-- and with the connivance of Prince Norodom Chakrapong -- to 
remove him from the leadership, and Kosal confirmed that this 
was true. 
 
Senior Royals Denied Positions 
------------------------------ 
 
¶5.  (C)  Kosal said Prince Norodom Sirivudh, who resigned as 
acting FUNCINPEC leader on March 21 and currently holds no 
government position, never had any real power as Co-Minister 
of Interior and Deputy Prime Minister.  He allowed that 
Sirivudh appointed FUNCINPEC people to positions, but the CPP 
ensured they had no real work and often lacked office space. 
The CPP had tried to engineer Sirivudh's ouster earlier, but 
with the National Assembly's two-thirds requirement prevented 
the CPP from succeeding as FUNCINPEC MPs would not agree. 
 
¶6.  (C)  Ranariddh's proposal to have Prince Norodom 
Chakrapong replace Sirivudh as FUNCINPEC Secretary General 
(SG) was not popular within the party.  Ranariddh wanted 
Chakrapong in that position because the latter understood the 
CPP, had experience, and Ranariddh believed Chakrapong would 
remain loyal to FUNCINPEC, despite his checkered political 
history.  Every other attempt to nominate Sirivudh or 
Chakrapong for a government position met with CPP resistance. 
 
¶7.  (C)  Calling from France, Ranariddh proposed to Sirivudh 
that You Hockry become the new FUNCINPEC Secretary General. 
Kosal said that Sirivudh then played a dangerous game, 
because instead of calling You Hockry and telling him 
directly, Sirivudh passed the instructions to Nhek Bun Chhay. 
 Nhek Bun Chhay immediately alerted Hun Sen, and then called 
You Hockry, demanding to know why You Hockry was challenging 
him for the position.  Hun Sen also called You Hockry, 
 
PHNOM PENH 00000585  002 OF 002 
 
 
according to Kosal, and said that You Hockry had to choose 
between the Second Vice President of the National Assembly 
and the party Secretary General positions, that the CPP would 
not support his bid for the former if he continued to press 
for the latter.  You Hockry said he wanted the National 
Assembly post more, so Hun Sen told him to drop his bid for 
secretary general.  Ranariddh then decided to appoint Nhek 
 
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Bun Chhay as SG to please Hun Sen, said Kosal, who worried 
that FUNCINPEC was beginning to look more like the CPP. 
 
¶8.  (C)  Kosal said that Nhek Bun Chhay only has the support 
of about half of the party; Chakrapong actually has more 
internal party support, he noted.  Nhek Bun Chhay is accepted 
as SG because party officials want to see if he can smooth 
issues between FUNCINPEC and the CPP.  As a check on CPP 
influence through Nhek Bun Chhay, Kosal said Ranariddh has 
tasked Kosal to develop a list of nominees for deputy 
secretary general and a nine-member permanent committee 
 
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comprised of loyalists to Ranariddh.  Kosal said he thinks he 
is the only one in FUNCINPEC that Ranariddh really trusts. 
 
It's 1993 All Over Again 
------------------------ 
 
¶9.  (C)  Ranariddh plans to reshuffle provincial officials 
that represent a political liability to the party.  If Hun 
Sen refuses, FUNCINPEC will go public with the information to 
embarrass the CPP.  FUNCINPEC is also prepared to walk out of 
the coalition government if Hun Sen continues to be 
obstructionist.  Kosal said that CPP's majority in the 
National Assembly and newfound operating space harks back to 
1993 before UNTAC's arrival:  Hun Sen was the PM, Chea Sim 
was Senate President, Heng Samrin headed the National 
Assembly, Sar Kheng was Minister of Interior, Tea Banh was 
Minister of Defense, and other CPP officials hold the exact 
same position they had in 1993.  FUNCINPEC is trying to be 
patient and avoid walking out of the government and the 
National Assembly, but they are prepared to do so if 
conditions deteriorate.  Kosal said that FUNCINPEC and the 
SRP need to work together to resolve the current situation; 
otherwise, both parties will die. 
 
¶10.  (C)  Ranariddh will return to Cambodia on April 2, and 
Kosal has implored the Prince to stay in Cambodia and assume 
a stronger leadership role.  Kosal wants Ranariddh to talk to 
Hun Sen directly, to cut out the people under Hun Sen. 
(Note:  Kem Sokha told us the same day that Ranariddh had 
indeed spoken with the PM on the 23rd, but we have no 
independent confirmation.  End Note.) 
 
¶11.  (C)  Pol/Econ Chief asked Kosal what Sihanouk thinks of 
recent developments.  Kosal replied that Sihanouk had told 
Chakrapong to give up the SG position for the sake of the 
image of the royal family.  Kosal noted that Princess Bopha 
Devi and Prince Thomico are good examples of royals.  He also 
said that Thomico may be groomed to become FUNCINPEC's next 
party leader.  DCM followed up, asking if Sihanouk would 
actually intervene and try to help the party.  Kosal 
responded that the King Father will not lower himself into 
the fray over the party's internal organizational problems. 
Sihanouk reportedly is in communication with Ranariddh in 
Paris, but Kosal does not know what has been said between the 
two. 
 
Comment 
------- 
 
¶12.  (C)  Kosal's discussion does nothing to dispel notions 
that FUNCINPEC is imploding and that the CPP is exerting 
ever-increasing pressure on the royalist party.  Public 
bickering and disagreements between party members only 
provide ammunition to those speculating that the royalist 
party is on the ropes.  If FUNCINPEC is to remain relevant in 
Cambodian politics it must get its internal affairs in order 
and present a united front -- something that does not appear 
to be in the cards anytime soon.  What is disturbing is that 
the SRP is on the sidelines, cheering on FUNCINPEC's 
problems, just as FUNCINPEC did nothing to assist the SRP 
when Hun Sen was attacking the opposition during 2005.  Both 
parties believe they would be beneficiaries of the other's 
demise; unfortunately, neither party leader trusts the other 
enough to overcome past differences and work together to 
achieve the reforms needed within the Cambodian government. 
End Comment. 
Mussomeli