This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 BELGRADE 000406 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV KDEM PREL SR
SUBJECT: Serbia: The Democratic Party's Future Challenge 
 
 
Summary 
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¶1.  (SBU) A recent Democratic Party (DS) Party Congress in 
Belgrade provided further evidence that the DS is not doing 
enough to strengthen its party machinery for the next 
parliamentary elections.  Polling data suggests that the 
party has lost support over the last year because of 
cautious and often counterproductive tactics.  The current 
strategy -- built around a promise of early elections and 
fears of the radicals coming to power -- does not address 
the real problems facing the party in the near future.  End 
Summary 
 
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Sound and Fury, Signifying? 
--------------------------- 
 
¶2.  (SBU) Serbian President Tadic continued to consolidate 
his control of the Democratic Party at a splashy DS party 
congress on February 18 that did little to address serious 
weaknesses in the party's structure and public image. 
Party elections -- carefully scripted beforehand -- favored 
middling insiders from the party bureaucracy who fended off 
a last minute effort by the former privatization minister 
to add an independent voice to the party's leadership. 
 
¶3.  (U) Tadic won 1,880 votes out of 1,931 delegates, 
amidst thunderous music from "Lord of the Rings," film 
clips showing some of his more dramatic public appearances, 
and an overall slick, made-for-TV production.  Delegates 
confirmed an uninspiring slate for the rest of the party 
leadership, drawn from status quo insiders that had been 
carefully put together before the convention began.  Head 
of the DS Parliamentary caucus Dusan Petrovic and party 
fund raiser Dragan Sutanovac -- the main proponents of the 
discredited DS parliamentary boycott -- joined Vojvodina 
President Bojan Pajtic (at least in part responsible for 
the DS's shocking loss of the Novi Sad Mayoral race in 
local elections in 2004), writer Vida Ognjenovic, and 
Belgrade Mayor Nenad Bogdanovic as DS Vice Presidents. 
 
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Control? 
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¶4. (SBU) Bogdanovic, Tadic's chief rival in the last party 
election almost lost a last minute challenge by former 
minister of privatization Alexsander Vlahovic.  Tadic 
supported Bogdanovic, whose control of the 700 million Euro 
Belgrade city budget makes him a critical link in the 
party's financing.  Bogdanovic's standing in the party has 
fallen recently because of persistent rumors of corruption. 
Support for Vlahovic -- he gave a rousing address and came 
within 400 votes of beating Bogdanovic -- was likely an 
effort by the party faithful to insert a more independent 
voice in the party leadership.  Our sources tell us 
Vlahovic and his group of independent technocrat 
professionals will likely be punished for their 
unauthorized campaign.  (Comment:We will meet with them in 
the days ahead and look for ways to encourage the party to 
use their expertise to help make the DS stronger. End 
Comment) 
 
¶5.  (U) The push for centralized control in the DS has 
solidified Boris Tadic's hold on the Party leadership but 
to the detriment of its numbers.  A push by controversial 
party activist Ceda Jovanovic, a key figure during the 
Djindic years, to promote a more aggressive pro-reform and 
less nationalistic platform in 2004 prompted the Party to 
eject him and his followers from the party.  Jovanovic, who 
sees Tony Blair as his role model, was left with no option 
but to start his own Liberal Demoractic Party (LDP), which 
polls indicate has already garnered four percent support in 
the northern region of Vojvodina, a traditional DS strong- 
hold. 
 
¶6. Even after the DS lost control of the second and third 
largest cities in local elections in 2004 (Novi Sad to the 
Radicals, and Nis to a Socialist/New Serbia anti-American 
populist) it did little to reenergize its largest local 
chapters.  Reputable pollster, Milka Pozugaca (SCAN 
agency), told us recently that the DS local chapter in Novi 
Sad has simply been "disbanded."  The office in Nis is also 
in disarray after having botched a recall election against 
the Mayor there, an important local initiative that was all 
but ignored by party headquarters. 
 
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Strategic Flaw 
-------------- 
 
¶7. (SBU) Pozugaca says a trend analysis of the polling data 
over the last eighteen months reveals a glaring weakness in 
the DS's approach.  Co-habitation with the current DSS 
government on Kosovo and other issues has been unpopular 
with the more progressive voters in the party who question 
Kostunica's democratic credentials.  As these voters have 
dropped out of politics (polls here tend to pick up only 
those who intend to vote) DS numbers have gone down and the 
Radicals have gotten relatively stronger (their absolute 
numbers have actually gone down). The LDP has begun to pick 
up the most frustrated of these DS drop-outs and could 
stand to pick up more if it begins to win converts. 
 
------------------------------------- 
Get out the vote, quiet on Coalitions 
------------------------------------- 
 
¶8. (SBU) Pozugaca says that the numbers suggest that the DS 
will suffer the same fate as G-17 plus (currently in the 
government) if it joins in coalition with the DSS before a 
new election-- its numbers will dramatically decline.  For 
that reason she argues that the DS should not enter into 
any pre-election agreement with the DSS before national 
elections as that will only encourage its progressive 
voters to stay home or vote for the LDP.  This holds 
equally true for the DSS with polls suggesting that up to 
fifty percent of its supporters are likely not to show up 
for elections.  The numbers bear out Tadic's view that he 
will benefit the most from an aggressive get out the vote 
campaign; unfortunately, they also suggest that DS numbers 
will head south quickly if it accepts least common 
denominator policies in a coalition government with the 
DSS. 
 
¶9. (SBU) The new DS leadership has told us it will move 
quickly to address its lingering problems.  Petrovic told 
poloff that the election of Pajtic and Ognjenovic represent 
specific DS strategies to win the support of Vojvodinians 
and women respectively.  Petrovic said that the election of 
Pajtic, the current premier of Vojvodina, will help the 
party attract local voters from the region who seek to 
retain and expand their province's autonomy.  Petrovic also 
noted that the DS has begun to heavily target women voters, 
who tend to be less reactionary, and is developing women- 
specific policies that the party hopes will attract 
undecided female constituents. 
 
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Short on New Ideas 
------------------ 
 
¶10.  (SBU) Still the DS Congress did not reveal any bold 
new thinking.  Party insiders have told us that the 
leadership has decided to end its parliamentary boycott -- 
polls show it to be a complete failure -- but are grappling 
with how to do it gracefully.  Tadic and other speakers at 
the party congress focused on the history of the party, 
especially during the nineties, and avoided discussion of 
the DS' future or potential political strategies.  Several 
members complained to poloff about this shortcoming and 
decried the excessive pageantry of the convention and 
publication of the party's voluminous platform (rumored to 
be nearly 1000 pages) as a waste of scant party resources 
and an ineffective form of communicating with the 
electorate.  Many members while optimistic about the 
party's future were frustrated with the DS's inability to 
bring down the current government and deliver on its 
promise of early elections. 
 
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Comment 
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¶11.  (SBU) Overall, the party congress continued to reflect 
Tadic's strengths and weaknesses.  His speech was full of 
passion and energy -- the stuff that inspired voters during 
his successful run for the Presidency in 2004.  Tadic 
challenged Kostunica to stop winking at the radicals and to 
adopt the DS-declared strategy seeking to accentuate the 
difference between extremist nationalists (SRS and SPS) and 
progressive democrats.  But Tadic failed to define the 
specific policies that would mark the two sides of the 
divide and his national unity position on Kosovo suggests 
he has no problem joining Kostunica in the grey area in 
between.  The election of a conservative circle of yes men 
to head the party further undermines the effort to promote 
the DS as a bold choice for the future -- even party 
insiders fear the new leadership will opt to protect their 
own interests rather then taking the bold steps needed to 
strengthen the party machinery.  Not only are Tadic and his 
party vice-presidents reluctant to be bolder, they see any 
effort to do so as a threat to their leadership.  We 
continue to believe that the DS is the best promise for 
Serbia's future and that Boris Tadic can be the charismatic 
leader who can lead the way.  In the weeks ahead we will be 
working with NDI and IRI on practical ways we can help 
Tadic and the DS live up to its potential. 
POLT