This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 RIYADH 000275 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DHAHRAN SENDS 
PARIS FOR ZEYA, LONDON FOR TSOU 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/23/2016 
TAGS: PGOV PREL PINR KIRF SA
SUBJECT: ANOTHER PERSPECTIVE ON THE SHI'A "SHIRAZIS" 
 
Classified by Consul General John Kincannon for reasons 1.4 
(b) and (d). 
 
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Summary 
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¶1.  (C) Kamal Al-Khattee, son of a former Shi'a judge in 
Qaif, discussed with PolOff the evolution of the Shi'a 
faction known as the "Shirazis," who include Hassan 
Al-Saffar, Jafar Al-Shayeb, Tawfiq Al-Sayf, and others. 
According to Al-Khattee, they moved from Iran to Syria and 
elsewhere in the 1980s after feeling "used" by Iran.  Now 
back in Saudi Arabia, they are trying to gain acceptance by 
more traditional religious figures by focusing on serving the 
community.  Al-Khattee, a non-practicing Shi'a who lives in 
Riyadh, also discussed discrimination faced by the Shi'a from 
the perspective of someone living outside the Shi'a 
community.  End summary. 
 
¶2.  (SBU) Al-Khattee and his daughter Zainab visited PolOff 
on January 18 to discuss an expedited visa appointment for 
Zainab, who has received a scholarship from the Saudi 
government for study in the U.S.  Al-Khattee lives in Riyadh 
and most recently worked as a researcher for Prince 
Abdul-Aziz bin Fahd (septel). 
 
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Marked as a Shi'a 
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¶3.  (C) Al-Khattee agreed with PolOff's observation that the 
Saudi government seemed to be awarding scholarships for study 
abroad to Shi'a students in proportion to their numbers, i.e. 
without discrimination.  He said that the discrimination 
Shi'a faced did not come from government degrees or 
regulations, but from individuals and groups of individuals 
in the government and elsewhere.  "I am a non-practicing 
Shi'a and I live in Riyadh, not Qatif.  Yet everyone looks at 
me as a Shi'a; there is no way I could escape it." 
Al-Khattee gave an example of the sort of discrimination 
Shi'a faced from his daughter's experience.  "Zainab got 
excellent overall marks, especially in math and science.  She 
passed the exam for King Saud University.  When she went for 
her interviews, things were fine with six of the seven 
committees.  But professor on the seventh committee gave her 
a hard time for no reason and wouldn't accept any of her 
answers."  That professor, Al-Khattee suggested, torpedoed 
Zainab's application because she was Shi'a.  "But the problem 
here is we have no way of claiming our rights.  We can't take 
any cases to the legal system.  If we tried to accuse one 
person with discrimination, everyone would close ranks around 
him." 
 
¶4.  (C) Asked by PolOff if there were any independent Shi'a 
civil society organizations based in Qatif or elsewhere that 
could help Shi'a claim their rights, Al-Khattee laughed. 
"They (the Saudi government) will never give up control of 
the Eastern Province - it's too precious to them."  He noted 
that reformers, who one might think would be pressing the 
government for an increased role for civil society, currently 
had no clear public agenda or direction.  "Some of them are 
Islamists, like Abdullah Al-Hamid.  He says he wants an 
"Islamic democracy" but that's impossible in practice.  But 
then you have others, like Ali Al-Dumaini, who are liberal." 
(Note:  Al-Hamid and Al-Dumaini are two of the three 
reformers King Abdullah pardoned shortly after he became 
King.  End note.) 
 
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The Shirazis and Their Evolution 
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¶5.  (C) PolOff observed that there were some active members 
of the Shi'a community, like Jafar Al-Shayeb, who espoused 
the principles of democracy and human rights, yet whose 
underlying motivation for political activism was not fully 
clear.  "Yes, the Shirazis - they are Islamists, but they are 
evolving," Al-Khattee responded.  He explained that, although 
they did not fully agree with Ayatollah Khomeini's political 
philosophy, the Shirazis sought refuge in Iran in the early 
1980s following the Saudi crackdown on Eastern Province 
Shi'a.  They left Iran later in the 1980s because, according 
to Al-Khattee, "The Iranians told them to claim 
responsibility for an explosion at a (Saudi) refinery. 
Al-Saffar refused, saying oil was Saudi Arabia's national 
treasure and he would not claim responsibility for an attack 
against it.  So he went to Syria, and others from the 
movement, like Tawfiq Al-Sayf, went to London and even the 
U.S."  The move from Iran was good for Saudi members of the 
Shirazi movement, Al-Khattee claimed, especially those who 
lived in the west, because it exposed them to other political 
philosophies, including western principles of democracy and 
human rights. 
 
¶6.  (C) Al-Khattee noted that Ayatollah Shirazi, despite his 
prodigious writings, was not considered learned enough by 
mainstream Shi'a religious authorities to be a marja'. 
Therefore, he continued, many of the Saudi Shi'a who followed 
Shirazi are now trying to bridge the gap between them and 
more traditional religious figures by applying themselves to 
working in the community's interest, for example through the 
municipal council.  Contrasting the Shirazis who, like Jafar 
Al-Shayeb, won seats on Qatif's municipal council with a 
liberal like Zaki Abu Al Saud, who was not successful in his 
bid, Al-Khattee said, "Zaki had a lot going for him - he is 
intelligent, respected, a banker, and from a well-established 
family.  But they (the Shirazi's) had the organizational 
tools.  And they didn't even use all the tools at their 
disposal in the elections." 
 
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Comment 
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¶7.  (C) This meeting was post's first with Al-Khattee (brief 
bio note septel).  We think he has the potential to be a 
valuable contact on the EP Shi'a community:  he is 
well-connected and politically minded, and his choice to live 
in Riyadh and distance himself somewhat from Qatif's 
political scene seems to have given him a greater degree of 
objectivity than many of our other Shi'a contacts.  End 
comment. 
 
(APPROVED:  KINCANNON) 
OBERWETTER