This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

171315Z Nov 05

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 ABUJA 002244 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/17/2015 
TAGS: PGOV KDEM PREL NI ELECTIONS
SUBJECT: SCENARIOS FOR 2007 ELECTION 
 
 
Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Thomas P. Furey for Reasons 1.4 (b) an 
d (d). 
 
¶1.  (C) Summary:  Though potential candidates are already 
flinging mud and jockeying for position, there is no clear 
front-runner for Nigeria's 2007 presidential election.  The 
role that President Obasanjo will play is still an important 
and open question.  Will he be a kingmaker, eventually 
anointing a successor?  Could he extend his current term 
beyond 2007?  Or will Obasanjo find a legal means to run for 
a third term?  Other potential candidates will take their cue 
from Obasanjo and are eagerly awaiting a signal of his 
intentions.  Public bickering between VP Atiku and Obasanjo 
demonstrates their rivalry for PDP backing in 2007.  Other 
heavyweights such as former leaders Ibrahim Babangida and 
Muhammadu Buhari are also active and will help shape the 
upcoming election season.  End Summary. 
 
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There's a will . . . 
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¶2.  (C) The sense amongst Nigeria's political elite is that 
President Obasanjo wants to remain in power beyond 2007. 
However, Nigeria's constitution limits the President to two 
terms in office.  It is still an open question whether 
Obasanjo will step down and throw his support to another 
People's Democratic Party (PDP) candidate or whether he will 
look for a means to stay in office beyond 2007. 
 
¶3. (C) Obasanjo has not yet given a definitive signal that he 
is out of the 2007 race.  He denied vehemently in public that 
he had "sworn on the Bible" that he would not run, as 
requested by his Vice President Atiku Abubakar.  He has also 
thus far declined to throw his support to any of the other 
contenders for the PDP nomination, even as he promises 
several of them that "ultimately" they might be Obasanjo's 
"chosen one."  Even if Obasanjo plans to step down, it is 
possible that he prefers to keep the party fractured for as 
long as possible, in order to avoid becoming a lame duck and 
protect his ability to hand-pick his successor.  Once the PDP 
candidate emerges, a great deal of power and loyalty will 
shift to him even before the election, as members look to 
curry favor with a new administration. 
 
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But is there a way? 
------------------- 
 
¶4.  (C) Embassy believes that there are three potential means 
for Obasanjo to extend his tenure in office.  He could either 
extend his current term by declaring a state of emergency and 
delaying elections, or he could run for a third term.  The 
other option bruited is the extension of the term by two 
years.  However, legally such an extension would only be 
valid for future terms according to Nigerian jurisprudence. 
 
¶5.  (C) The first option would be easiest to initiate * 
declare a state of emergency and remain in office 
indefinitely, albeit in six month increments.  The current 
constitution allows this, and there are a number of crises 
bubbling under the surface that could be used as a pretext 
for an emergency declaration (i.e. Biafra, the Delta, 
Bakassi, Muslim-Christian tensions, ethnic tensions, or even 
corruption.)  The state of emergency route could backfire, 
however.  Political elites and the military might question 
how an extension of Obasanjo's tenure would solve any 
national "emergency" if he was unable to solve the problem 
during his 8 years in office.  The military and the political 
class could ask why not install another leader to restore 
order, perhaps a military leader? 
 
¶6.  (C) The "third term" option is both risky and currently 
illegal.  Contacts report that Obasanjo has lawyers studying 
the constitution and looking for any loopholes that might 
allow him to get around its two-term limit.  If this effort 
fails, he could also work to have the constitution amended. 
An amendment is a complicated procedure (as in the USA) 
requiring ratification by both chambers of the National 
Assembly and 24 of Nigeria's 36 states.  Even if Obasanajo 
were successful in obtaining a legal green light to run for a 
third term, he would still have to win the election. 
Considering his deep unpopularity with Nigerians from all 
walks of life and the current list of other candidates, his 
chances of winning a free and fair election are almost nil. 
Even winning a less than free and fair election would take 
tremendous support from the political coteries and the 
security services, support not evident at the moment.  It is 
not certain that Obasanjo has enough support from within the 
system to win even a rigged election this time. 
 
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VP Atiku fighting for the nomination 
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¶7.  (C) Press reports over the past several weeks have 
described "open warfare" between President Obasanjo and Vice 
President Atiku Abubakar.  This is exaggerated, but 
allegations of corruption are flying in both directions. 
Atiku's enemies cited the August 3 raid of his wife's home in 
Washington as evidence of his corruption, while Orji Kalu 
sent a letter to the President and then to the media alleging 
Obasanjo is corrupt.  The President's response was to order 
the EFCC to "thoroughly investigate" the allegations against 
him.  Kalu, expressing skepticism, refused to cooperate with 
the EFCC rightly pointing out that it has no jurisdiction 
over incumbent office-holders, including the head of state. 
¶8.  (C)  The real question is how much of the PDP is loyal to 
Atiku rather than Obasanjo.  Some were calling for Atiku's 
ouster from the PDP, but many are loyal to him, including key 
governors and party stalwarts.  Recent events have indicated 
that Obasanjo, rather than dealing with the elements of the 
party against his third term ambitions, is engineering out 
all opponents.  If Atiku leaves the party, a significant 
factor will be how much of the structure of the former 
People's Democratic Movement (PDM) will go with him?  Founded 
by Obasanjo's deputy during his 1976-1979 regime, Shehu 
Yar'adua, the PDM remains the strongest and most cohesive 
political structure in Nigeria and provided the muscle that 
propelled Obasanjo to two terms as President.  That 
organization is fractured now, with part of the group 
remaining with the Vice President, a number of the group 
moving to the President and several others trying to maintain 
the cohesiveness of a political organization with an ideology 
while looking for a candidate.  Still, the remnants command a 
political structure that remains unrivaled in the political 
arena.  Only Obasanjo, with his control of governmental 
organizations, can claim a structure to rival its nationwide 
political influence. 
 
¶9.  (C)  The first rumblings of a new force breaking off from 
the PDP have already been heard.  On November 7, a group of 
60 politicians met in Lagos to form the Movement for the 
Defence of Democracy (MDD). MDD organizers include Audu 
Ogbeh, the former National Chairman of the PDP (until he was 
ousted by Obasanjo in early 2005), Lawal Kaita, National 
Chairman of the PDM, and other heavyweights.  The MDD says 
that its aim is to organize resistance to the "dictatorial 
actions of the Obasanjo administration and defend the 1999 
constitution."  For now the MDD is calling itself a "new 
political organization," but could formalize into a party in 
order to contest the 2007 elections.  Given the makeup of the 
organization, this could be the first signs of the Vice 
President's future election vehicle. 
 
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Don't Forget The Rest of the Country 
------------------------------------ 
 
¶10.  (C)  While former Head of State Ibrahim Babangida (IBB) 
still makes noises about his presidential ambitions, most 
observers are dismissing his commitment.  Historically, IBB 
has not taken action until he was guaranteed victory, 
preferring to maintain his mythological invincibility 
instead.  According to some, Obasanjo told him specifically 
to stand down his campaign as "there is no vacancy."  Even 
so, IBB will be able to create mischief and influence the 
outcome of the political games whether as a candidate or not. 
 
¶11.  (C)  ANPP's 2003 Presidential Candidate Muhammadu Buhari 
is the other serious player in the 2007 scenario.  He has 
stated his intent to run, but has done little to revive his 
political organization since the conclusion of the lawsuit 
against the 2003 elections.  With both the President and the 
Vice President interfering with the ANPP's operations, it is 
unclear whether Buhari can, or wants to, remain with that 
party.  He had a parallel organization in 2003 and could 
easily take his organization and his millions of grassroots 
supporters to another party. 
¶12.  (C)  At the same time, minority politicians from both 
the South-South and the Southeast are making noises, claiming 
that it is their turn to rule the country.  Other than 
corrupt governors, (and they are almost all corrupt) serious 
politicians with the stature to compete are few and far 
between.  Still a political realignment could take place 
based on these regional aspirations that would weaken the two 
major national parties, the PDP and the ANPP, and strengthen 
regional parties and associations, giving a shot to a 
minority candidate. 
 
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Comment 
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¶13.  (C)  The scenarios leading up to the 2007 elections all 
hinge on one thing:  Obasanjo's intention to either step down 
or continue.  The irrelevance of his reforms to the masses 
leads to Obasanjo's lack of support on the street.  Anger 
with his regime is palpable, but Nigerians are long suffering 
and could allow him to finish his current term.  The 
expectation of continuation, though, changes the dynamic.  As 
civil society searches for a way to challenge the government 
machinery in the face of treason charges and continuing 
insecurity and instability, the political situation may 
become tenser, with localized flare-ups increasing. 
 
FUREY