This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 NAIROBI 003638 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPARTMENT FOR AF 
STATE PASS AID 
LONDON, PARIS FOR AFRICA WATCHER 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/06/2025 
TAGS: PGOV PREL KPAO SO KE
SUBJECT: SOMALIA -- GERMANY EXPRESSES CONCERNS TO ROME RE: 
ACTIVITIES OF ITALIAN SPECIAL ENVOYS 
 
REF: A. NAIROBI 3434 (NOTAL) 
 
     ¶B. ROME 2413 (NOTAL) 
     ¶C. STATE 131526 (NOTAL) 
 
Classified By: MICHAEL J. FITZPATRICK, POLITICAL COUNSELOR, REASONS 1.4 
 (B) AND (D) 
 
SUMMARY 
-------- 
 
¶1. (C) The Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) has demarched 
the Italian MFA in Rome regarding difficult working relations 
and differences in principle with the Italian Delegation to 
Somalia in Nairobi.  It appears that the frustrations the FRG 
expressed in Rome are shared by a number of other EU member 
states that are particularly engaged in Somali Affairs.  Rome 
reportedly distanced itself somewhat from its diplomats in 
Nairobi, claiming to be well in the middle of the herd on 
assistance to the divided Somali Transitional Federal 
Institutions (TFIs).  It may be, however, that the Italians 
in Nairobi are operating with considerable autonomy -- and 
that the senior diplomat does not report to the MFA.  END 
SUMMARY. 
 
FRG DEMARCHES ROME 
------------------- 
 
¶2. (C) The FRG's Deputy Chief of Mission in Nairobi, Walter 
von den Driesch, called Somalia Watcher September 9 to inform 
us that Berlin had made a formal demarche on the Italian MFA 
in Rome to discuss Italy's activities in Somalia.  von den 
Driesch, who has responsibility for Somali affairs as well as 
duties as German Deputy PermRep to UNEP and UNHSP, said the 
content of the demarche expressed German exasperation with 
the positions Rome's envoys had been taking in working with 
fellow European Union member states in Nairobi.  He said 
Berlin also made clear German concerns that Italian 
activities in Somalia were not in keeping with the direction 
the broader international community believed the most 
conducive to bringing governance and peace to Somalia. 
 
INTERMINABLE MEETINGS 
---------------------- 
 
¶3. (C) DCM von den Driesch said the difficulties he and his 
EU colleagues had been having finalizing a report of the EU 
Heads of Missions (EUHOMS) to Kenya on Somalia for the 
European Commission's Africa Working Group had motivated him 
to ask for Berlin's intervention in Rome.  He described the 
report drafting process as "incredibly painful", involving 
interminable meetings since mid-August to review endless 
Italian edits to drafts that had garnered broad support from 
the rest of the EU member states involved in the process.  He 
lamented that his and other EU diplomats' time and resources, 
already in short supply, were being wasted on trying to 
corral Italy on its diplomats' activities in Somalia, instead 
of being able to focus on supporting the efforts of the 
broader international community.  (NOTE: While several other 
EU member states are represented in Nairobi, only Denmark, 
Germany, Italy, The Netherlands, Sweden, and the UK are 
actively involved in Somali affairs.  France attends meetings 
of the international community with little engagement, while 
non-EU members Switzerland and Norway are more deeply 
involved.  END NOTE.) 
 
WHO ARE THOSE GUYS? 
-------------------- 
 
¶4. (C) Mr. von den Driesch said that Berlin had asked Rome to 
explain the roles and authority held by Italy's three special 
envoys for Somali affairs currently on the ground in Nairobi. 
 He was told that only Ambassador Francesco Lanata, with the 
title of "Italian Special Envoy for Somalia", could rightly 
be seen as a full-time permanent MFA employee assigned in 
Kenya to cover Somali political affairs.  The recently 
arrived Stefano A. Dejak, ("Counsellor (sic), Italian 
Diplomatic Special Delegation for Somalia"), formerly the 
MFA's Director General for Sub-Saharan Africa, was called, 
simply, "temporary".  As for the former Senator Mario 
Raffaelli, "Special Envoy, Italian Diplomatic Special 
Delegation for Somalia," Rome apparently told the FRG's 
representatives that although he is charged with a Somalia 
portfolio by the Italian government, "he does not work for 
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs."  von den Driesch said, 
"It's as if he is some kind of free-lancer, for lack of a 
better term, with Italian government sanction." 
 
¶5. (C) According to the German DCM, however, Rome's MFA is 
convinced that Italy has taken a middle-of-the-pack position 
in the international community as regards financial support 
to the Somali Transitional Federal Institutions (TFIs).  He 
reported that Rome had determined significant infrastructure 
projects in Somalia to be premature, and would keep its 
assistance in a "co-financing" mode with the European 
Commission and other donors.  All significant outlays would 
await the completion of the joint UN-World Bank development 
needs assessment report, expected no sooner than late 2005. 
 
COMMENTS 
--------- 
 
¶6. (C) Our German colleague's frustrations are shared by 
other EU member state diplomats, especially the Danes, Dutch, 
Swedes, and Brits.  It was the Danish bilateral assistance 
officer who asked von den Driesch to brief Somalia Watcher on 
the FRG demarche.  The EUHOMS report process has pushed a 
number of member states to the limit of their internal 
diplomacy: Italy's edits are said to gut the report of any 
notion that there is a split in the Somali Transitional 
Federal Institutions; that there is a military build-up on 
the side of the Somali President -- whom Italy strongly 
supports; and to insert notions that there is a functioning 
central government in the small town of Jowhar, presided over 
by the President and Prime Minister -- despite the larger 
number of TFI Ministers and MPs currently in Mogadishu. 
 
¶7. (C) This third-hand report of Rome's point of view on the 
activities of the Italian Delegation in Nairobi bears some 
interpretation.  It would almost appear from this account 
that some in the Italian MFA would like to distance 
themselves from Raffelli, Stefano, et al, and are ensuring 
that assistance funds are not available to back up activities 
that might be out of step with the broader international 
community.  However, reports from other EU members of 
significant Italian construction projects in the TFG 
President's and Prime Minister's temporary capital of Jowhar, 
complete with Italian contractors, would seem to indicate a 
cash flow independent of the MFA.  We believe the evidence 
points more toward an Italian Delegation with considerable 
room for autonomy and maneuver, and the funds to back it up, 
whether or not fully sanctioned by the Italian MFA. 
 
¶8. (C) That a major European Union member state, one with 
significant budgetary clout, has gone to Rome with its 
concerns is worth noting.  We doubt that it will have much 
impact on the Italian Delegation's activities in Somalia 
unless it is backed up by greater interest inside the 
European Commission's Africa Working Group, where it appears 
that Italy has carved out a dominant position.  END COMMENTS. 
BELLAMY