This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 TEL AVIV 005307 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE FOR NEA/IPA, NEA/PPD, IIP/G/NEA 
 
JERUSALEM PASS PAO 
 
E.O. 12958  DECL: 8/29/2015 
TAGS: GZ IS KWBG KPAO OPRC GAZA DISENGAGEMENT ISRAELI SOCIETY
SUBJECT: Through Israeli Eyes Only: Gaza journalists on the media 
and disengagement 
 
Classified by DCM Gene A. Cretz for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) 
 
¶1. (C)  SUMMARY: In separate conversations with EMBOFF on 
25 August, three Gaza journalists gave similar reasons for what 
they described as the "Israeli-only" media coverage of disengagement. 
 Fear of kidnapping, as in the case of the French journalist 
seized on 15 August and freed on 22 August, kept foreign journalists 
out of Palestinian areas and prompted Palestinian journalists to 
self-censorship; Palestinian officials were not used to managing the 
media; and Palestinian journalists did not have access to the 
Israeli settlements.  Looking to increase the independence of 
Palestinian media, the journalists mused on activism, diversity in 
media outlets, and training as possible approaches.  END SUMMARY. 
 
¶2.  (C)  "The international media focused on the feelings of the 
settlers and ignored the joy of the Palestinian people," said 
Samer Hameto, a longtime journalist with the daily official 
newspaper Al Hayat Al Jadida.  Khalil al Sheik, from the 
independent, pro-Palestinian Authority daily Al Ayyam, agreed: 
"Foreign journalists did not fulfill their role.  They covered 
disengagement from the Israeli perspective only." Hameto was 
plain-spoken about the cause: "We were all scared," he said. 
"The most important reason was the case of the French journalist. 
It affected us all."  Three masked gunmen in Gaza kidnapped 
Mohammed Ouathi, a soundman for France 3 television, just two 
days before Israeli security forces moved to oust recalcitrant 
settlers and intensive media coverage began. "The foreigners were 
intimidated and returned to the Israeli side," said Bilar 
Salem, director of the news agency The Palestinian Independent 
Center for Media Services. "It was a very bad result." Palestinian 
journalists, for their part, Salem noted, faced attacks from the 
government, the armed factions, and the people: "It's the most 
difficult work in the world." 
 
¶3.  (C)  Al Sheik also said the lopsided coverage showed "the 
government does not know how to deal with foreign media." 
Salem noted that the Palestinian National Authority ran 
two rival media centers, one sponsored by Interior Minister Yousef, 
one sponsored by Civil Affairs Minister Dahlan, who compete for 
power in Gaza. "I went to the big reception for all the journalists 
given by Dahlan's center," he twinkled.  "It was very nice, and 
Abu Mazen (President Abbas) gave his speech there." 
 
¶4.  (C)  The trio criticized the work of Palestinian journalists 
as well.  Hameto pointed out that Israeli military and police 
forces decided in advance to forbid Palestinian journalists 
access to the settlements - a move protested by the International 
Federation of Journalists - which limited the types of stories 
they could produce.  Pessimistic, Palestinian writers focused too 
much on official statements and the current story, and not 
enough on the future, said Hameto.  "Journalists here are not 
independent," said Salem, and the media lack accuracy as a result. 
I can hear three local radio stations in my neighborhood, he 
said, one underwritten by HAMAS, one by Fatah, one by Islamic 
Jihad. After the municipal elections, the HAMAS station said HAMAS 
won, the Fatah station said Fatah won. "I switched them both off!" 
  (NOTE:  According to NGO media watchdogs such as Reporters 
Without Borders, the GOI, other than banning access for 
Palestinian journalists, did not harass Palestinian media workers 
during disengagement operations. The PNA, which on July 20 
announced that journalists would face "penalties" if they 
"deal with or handle any type of statements or publications that 
touch on internal events and carry between their line words that 
slander, libel or harm others," did not take any other actions 
targeting disengagement media coverage.  END NOTE.) 
 
¶5.  (C)  The best story I wrote, said Hameto, was interviews of 
Gazans whose homes are next to the settlements. "They described 
how they lived in fear, under fire, and now they are free." 
He usually covers economic issues, and was also pleased with his 
work on how disengagement could reduce unemployment and decrease 
poverty by restoring freedom of movement, and on Israeli 
-Palestinian coordination.  Al Sheik liked best a story on how 
municipal governments are planning to pave the workers' paths 
to the settlements into proper roads.  Another favorite piece 
covered the many small peaceful celebrations, which al Sheik 
believed international media ignored in favor of familiar images 
of masked men waving guns. 
 
¶6.  (C)  These working journalists wanted to increase the 
independence of Palestinian media, and saw activism, diversity 
in media outlets, and English language skills as possible 
approaches.  "We protested the case of the French journalist," 
said Hameto, and maybe it will not happen again.  Al Sheik noted 
that, over the past decade, the Internet and other new 
technologies have brought competition to Palestinian journalism. 
"This is a good thing."  Even the highly partisan local radio 
stations are progress, said Salem, and the press is slowly 
becoming "more free."   Salem, who runs his agency on the pricey 
fees he charges diplomatic missions for a daily English newsletter, 
said "the real problem is money."  He favors training more 
Palestinian journalists to write in English, to use the 
Internet to publish, and to adopt neutral vocabulary: "neither 
terrorists or martyrs." 
 
KURTZER