This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 ALGIERS 001810 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/22/2015 
TAGS: PGOV PHUM PTER AG
SUBJECT: NATIONAL RECONCILIATION:  DO ALGERIANS SUPPORT 
BOUTEFLIKA'S PROPOSAL? 
 
REF: A. ALGIERS 1661 
 
     ¶B. ALGIERS 1702 
 
Classified By: Richard W. Erdman for reasons 1.4(b) and (d) 
 
SUMMARY AND COMMENT 
------------------- 
 
¶1. (C) President Bouteflika is poised to win a strong 
majority in the September 29 referendum on his proposed 
Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation.  Through a 
carefully crafted political and media strategy, he has framed 
the proposal in a way that makes it hard to oppose; 
orchestrated a pro-Charter campaign using presidential 
coalition parties, prominent personalities, former 
terrorists, and various labor, civic, and sports groups; and 
directed a drumbeat of pro-reconciliation messages in the 
mostly receptive press and on government-controlled 
television and radio.  He has also pointedly argued that the 
Charter represents the only possible "equilibrium of 
interests" at this time and that, having fought and defeated 
terrorism on its own, Algeria does need outsiders to tell it 
how to pursue national reconciliation.  In the process, a 
sense of inevitability of the passage of the "reconciliation" 
Charter has been created and any inclination to seriously 
debate the content of what is in effect a partial amnesty for 
those with blood on their hands has been dampened. 
 
¶2. (C) For sure, some press commentaries, human rights 
groups, terrorist victims groups, and other NGOs have 
criticized the proposed Charter as providing for impunity at 
the expense of justice and truth-telling.  For the most part, 
however, public and private discussion has centered not on 
substance, but on whether the Charter will work.  Will 
pardoning or not prosecuting those with blood on their hands 
in the end promote reconciliation, help reintegrate former 
integrist elements into society, and dramatically isolate and 
weaken terrorist remnants still in the maquis?  Bouteflika 
himself has been careful to say that his proposal will not 
solve all the problems and that real reconciliation will 
require more time.  We agree.  At best, the Charter will be 
an interim measure passed by a people weary after more than a 
decade of terrorism and willing to hope that, whatever the 
Charter's faults, it will help bring an end to their national 
nightmare. (End Summary and Comment) 
 
 
THE POLITICS OF THE REFERENDUM 
------------------------------ 
 
¶3. (C) In a speech delivered August 14, President Bouteflika 
outlined his long-awaited vision for National Reconciliation 
(Ref B).  A day later, the GOA published the Charter for 
Peace and National Reconciliation, which discussed the 
parameters for implementing the plan, though not some of the 
legal details. The benchmark of success for Bouteflika's 
gambit will, in the short term, be the success of the 
referendum both in positive votes and voter turnout. Another 
measure will be whether it is followed by rolling back the 
national state of emergency in a return to normalcy. 
Terrorist elements will not be completely eliminated, but 
Bouteflika hopes that by passing the referendum, Algeria will 
put the violence of the 1990's behind it, encourage Algerians 
abroad to return home, and persuade the remaining terrorists 
still operating in the country of the futility of continuing 
their struggle.  In his first day of campaigning for the 
charter in Skikda, Bouteflika reiterated his message, "Never, 
never again. We will do everything so that terrorism won't 
find its way to Algeria."  The fight against terror will 
continue against "those who want to keep the country in 
darkness." 
 
¶4. (U)  Madani Mezrag, the former Islamic Salvation Army 
(AIS) leader hailed August 23 the President's initiative and 
the Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation.  While 
making no apologies for his previous actions and claiming the 
AIS had been engaged in "a just war," Merzag said, "We are 
with President Bouteflika today and tomorrow, not because his 
name is Bouteflika, but because he is the initiator of a 
political project of reconciliation."  While regretting that 
members of the banned party Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) are 
"forbidden from any political activity," he added:  "Politics 
is not the objective of Muslims; we have other places to 
express ourselves such as associations, our families and 
society in general."  Based on his contacts with armed 
terrorist groupd, he expected 80% of the remaining "200 
terrorists" will lay down their arms after the referendum. 
Even some members of the GSPC, such as a group called Hooumat 
Ed-Daawa Es-Salafiya, will be "receptive" to the Charter," he 
said.  Mezrag's sole criticism was that the FIS was portrayed 
as the only party to bear responsibility for the crisis.  He 
countered that "The former regime in place was the one 
responsible for the crisis." 
 
PRESS REACTION VARIED AND OPEN 
------------------------------ 
¶5. (U)  Press coverage has been extensive, with reaction 
ranging from positive to negative, with varying degrees of 
skepticism but most in the end, like the public, hoping the 
President's proposal will prove effective, faute de mieux. 
El Moudjahid, the French-language official daily, provided a 
blitz of positive coverage highlighting support for the plan. 
 L'Expression highlighted prospective beneficiaries of 
National Reconciliation by publishing daily interviews with 
and comments by former Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) and 
Islamic Salvation Army (AIS) leaders.  The latter issued a 
statement favorable to the National Reconciliation 
Initiative, even though they are to be excluded from all 
political activity, calling it a "half solution." La Tribune 
and Le Quotidien d'Oran, two elite French-language dailies, 
expressed skepticism about National Reconciliation and its 
end results.  The two French language papers which most 
openly criticized Bouteflika's project were the opposition 
Liberte and the tabloidish Le Soir d'Algerie.  They pointed 
out that "the notion of justice" is completely absent from 
the charter, and that the President's proposal amounted to "a 
security solution" more than anything else.  Both of these 
papers insisted that the compensation proposed for the 
victims of "the National Tragedy" were overly financial. 
Since Algeria was currently "a country with means" throwing 
money at the problem was the painless solution.  Both 
newspapers complained that the President did not "tackle the 
roots of the crisis," namely social injustice, corruption, 
and mismanagement.  El Watan, the leading French-language 
daily, has expressed skepticism and carried some critical 
articles but has neither endorsed nor rejected the Charter. 
 
¶6. (U) In the Arabic-language press, the highest circulating 
daily, El Khabar, did its best to present objectively the 
President's project by interviewing all parties concerned. 
Unlike some papers which openly favored the "pros," El Khabar 
also presented the "cons."  The other Arabic papers like El 
Bilad (close to the MSP), Sawt El Ahrar (close to the FLN), 
and Al Shorouk El Youmi did not show the same objectivity. 
These papers openly expressed full support for National 
Reconciliation. 
 
¶7. (SBU) Unsurprisingly, the broadcast media, which are owned 
and operated by the Government, were entirely supportive. 
Both television and radio stations aired spots encouraging a 
"yes" vote.  Three public-service ads now air frequently on 
Algerian TV.  The first spot shows the Algerian flag. In the 
background, the song, "On Forgiveness," sung by a famous 
Algerian singer, is played.  The second advertisement centers 
around writing on the screen which says, "From civil concord 
to national reconciliation for the sake of Algeria: September 
29, 2005 referendum." (Posters bearing these words have 
appeared all over Algiers as well.) The third and most 
poignant ad shows a youth who says to the camera, "My father 
has been killed by terrorists, but I think that the time has 
come to forgive."  The radio spots largely feature songs on 
national reconciliation mixed with testimonies from victims 
and all with the same voice-over conclusion, "We have to do 
this for Algeria.  For our country, let us vote for national 
reconciliation."   No coverage has been afforded in 
electronic media to the dissenters.  Post contacts note that 
average Algerians overwhelmingly rely on radio and television 
for their news, so the favorable coverage of the initiative 
in the electronic media should have a direct impact on the 
outcome of the referendum. 
 
 
POLITICAL PARTIES MOSTLY FAVORABLE 
---------------------------------- 
 
¶8. (U) For the most part, the political parties, both those 
comprising the Presidential Alliance (FLN, RND, MSP) and the 
opposition, united behind Bouteflika's speech and the Charter 
for Peace and National Reconciliation. The following are 
notable quotes from statements or communiques issued by the 
main political party: 
 
--  National Liberation Front (FLN) - "It is an extremely 
laudable project, and is for sure the only way out from the 
crisis." 
 
-- Democratic National Rally (RND) - "The RND will completely 
back the President's project." 
 
-- Society of Peace Movement (MSP) - "The national 
reconciliation charter will definitely turn the page on the 
black decade." 
-- Opposition Islamist Islah Party (National Reform Movement 
Party) - "We welcome the project with satisfaction, but want 
to point out that we were the first ones to talk about 
national reconciliation." 
 
-- Far left Labor Party - "The Labor Party will call on all 
its members to vote for the charter, with the hope that 
stability will come back to the country." 
 
-- Berber-dominated opposition Front des Forces Socialist 
(FFS) - "The Charter is a very confusing document, which 
looks more like a compromise between the decision-makers than 
anything else." 
 
-- Rally for Democracy and Culture (RCD) - The leader of the 
small Berber-based party opposes. 
 
 
NGO's AND FAMILIES OF VICTIMS AGAINST PROPOSAL 
--------------------------------------------- - 
 
¶9. (C)  Many of the non-governmental organizations (NGO) 
representing the interests of the families of "disparus," or 
the "disappeared," many of whom vanished or were killed by 
security forces during the 1990's, disagreed strongly with 
Bouteflika's speech.  Even more critical were the families of 
victims of terrorism.  The victim's families see themselves 
as twice victimized since they have lost a relative and feel 
their right to justice has been denied.  The following NGO's 
provided us reaction on the Charter: 
 
-- SOS Disparus (State) - "Truth should be a priority for the 
President; nothing is said about telling us what happened to 
our loved ones." 
 
-- Algerian League for the Defense of Human Rights - "The 
President of the Republic has exculpated the army and the 
security services from any responsibility for crimes against 
humanity by declaring the State "responsible, but not 
guilty," which is a judicial heresy.  All criminals are equal 
before the law, which a matter of legality and not morality." 
 
 
-- Djazairouna - "After the implementation of the Civil 
Concord, we expected to know more about its results, but 
nothing of the kind happened.  What is more shocking today is 
that in the charter the notion of justice is completely 
absent." 
 
-- Somoud - "How can the President talk about compensation 
when the 'prejudice' has not been defined?  We are not 
against peace but this charter is more a charter about 
impunity than anything else.  Did terrorists acknowledge 
their crimes?  It is for us, the victims, to forgive these 
people, and that can be done only when the latter admit the 
harm that they have caused to us.  It looks like the 
President is more concerned about reconciling the security 
forces and the terrorists groups than 'taking real care of 
us.'" 
 
¶10. (C) NGOs representing families of the victims are 
launching an operation called "A Caravan Against Impunity," 
which will stop at cities and villages to argue that the 
document proposed for ratification is a charter for impunity, 
and not for peace, by "washing" the deeds of the security 
forces on the one hand, and not holding accountable on the 
other those responsible for thousands of deaths, abductions, 
and rapes.  The NGOs are seeking support from international 
NGOs and institutions in their campaign. 
 
VOTER REACTION MIXED 
-------------------- 
 
¶11.  (C)  According to our contacts in Algiers, Annaba and 
Oran, the citizens of these large urban centers are skeptical 
as to whether the Charter will prove to be a decisive blow 
against terrorist remnants or merely a short-term palliative 
to a broader societal problem.  Though the overall concept of 
national reconciliation was outlined in Bouteflika's speech 
and the Charter, the details of the impact on society are 
still not clear.  According to most Embassy contacts, 
Algerians were expecting a more straightforward text, with 
greater detail.  As one teacher from Algiers said, "At least 
the text on Civil Concord was clearer since we knew that 
blood crimes were excluded from it, but this time no real 
details were given." 
 
¶12. (C)  Despite the fact that collective massacres, rapes 
and attacks with explosives in public places are excluded as 
pardonable crimes under the Charter, judging by press reports 
and the reaction of Embassy contacts, Algerians remain unsure 
how to assimilate those individuals who killed but did not 
commit one of the three excluded crimes.  According to 
several Embassy sources, many Algerians believe that 
Bouteflika, in addressing those affected by the "national 
tragedy," did not make a distinction between the victims of 
terrorists and the terrorists who killed individual victims. 
In the Charter, Bouteflika said he wants, "... to be 
appointed to ask in the name of the nation the forgiveness of 
all the victims of the national tragedy and thus seal peace 
and national reconciliation."  Algerians, maintain these 
sources, believe that the President is asking for a blank 
check, giving him too much authority and power to decide this 
issue. 
 
ERDMAN