This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 PORT AU PRINCE 001791 
 
SIPDIS 
 
WHA/EX PLEASE PASS USOAS 
SOUTHCOM ALSO FOR POLAD 
DEPT FOR DS/IP/WHA 
DS/DSS/ITA 
DSERCC 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 10/25/2014 
TAGS: PGOV PREL ASEC HA
SUBJECT: JUDICIAL POLICE DIRECTOR DISCUSSES GANGS WITH DCM 
 
REF: PAP 1733 
 
Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Douglas M. Griffiths, reasons 1.4 (B) 
and (D) 
 
¶1. (C) Summary: Newly (re-)appointed Director General of the 
Judicial Police Michael Lucius summarized the Haitian 
National Police (HNP) response to gang-led criminality in a 
conversation with the DCM on July 1. Lucius accused 
pro-Aristide former employees of state-owned enterprises 
(such as Teleco) and fired Palace Guard and HNP officers for 
leading the violence out of political revenge. But he said 
many smaller gang leaders carried out crimes just to get 
rich. Lucius confirmed a divide at top levels of the HNP 
between former military and civilian police leaders and 
explained how Youri Latortue (who, Lucius said, submitted a 
back-dated resignation letter from the HNP in June) had 
magnified a personal dispute between Lucius and 
newly-promoted head of the HNP Intelligence Unit Gessy Coicou 
during the recent HNP management shuffle. End summary. 
 
¶2. (C) Lucius, who led the DCPJ before from 2003 to late 
2004, spoke confidently with the DCM about recent progress in 
the fight against kidnapping. He said Emmanuel Coriolan (aka 
"Dom Laj"), killed in a shootout with the HNP, had directed a 
great number of recent abductions. He also reported that the 
arrest of another major suspect, Jerry Narcius, had yielded 
significant intelligence. (Note: Lucius announced the arrest 
of 37 kidnapping suspects in a press conference June 29. End 
note). 
 
¶3. (C) Lucius described a two-layered criminal network in 
which politically-motivated gangs sometimes worked in tandem 
with smaller criminal groups who simply sought riches. Local 
neighborhood teams -- often quite young -- commit crimes of 
opportunity, Lucius said, seeking quick payoff and enough 
income to "buy a house in Petionville." These bandits are 
supported by a more sophisticated network of arms suppliers 
and operational strategists seeking to create conditions that 
might lead to Aristide's return, Lucius claimed. He 
identified a gang leader known as "Ti DGI" as the major arms 
supplier for the advanced criminal network, and "CM" as the 
head of operations. "CM" was a former Gonaives Commissar 
imprisoned for the La Scierie massacre who escaped from 
prison February 19. 
 
¶4. (C) Lucius also confirmed that many of the weapons used by 
the gangs came from Palace Guards (USGPN) dismissed after 
Aristide's departure as well as an ongoing flow of weapons 
via the HNP's anti-gang unit (SIAG). He admitted that even 
now there was no operational connection between the USGPN and 
the rest of the HNP structure. Lucius said many of the 
operational planners and soldiers were individuals Aristide 
had loaded into the HNP or the payrolls of state-owned 
enterprises (such as Teleco and the Port Authority) who lost 
their patronage positions and now created problems. They 
sought, he said, to replace their lost income as well as 
agitate for the conditions that might make a return of 
Aristide (and the patronage system) possible. Lucius also 
confirmed that some deportees were playing a role and he 
promised to provide specific names. 
 
¶5. (C) Underscoring what we have heard elsewhere, Lucius 
confirmed a divide within HNP command between members of the 
former military and civilian directors. According to Lucius, 
this split is responsible for much of the tension at high 
levels of the HNP, most notably between Lucius (civilian) and 
State Secretary for Public Security (SSPS) David Basile 
(former military). Lucius described Basile's efforts to 
insert himself into operational planning responsibilities and 
assert greater personal control over the HNP. He also 
asserted that the camaraderie among the ex-military leaders 
at the top (such as Director General Leon Charles and 
Administrative Police (DCPA) chief Ricardo Etienne) clouded 
their judgment. 
 
¶6. (C) The recent police shuffle (reftel) revealed another 
rift inside the HNP: between Lucius and newly appointed head 
of the HNP Intelligence Unit, Gessy Coicou. Coicou, who was 
once Lucius' assistant, is reportedly close to the Primature 
and both the Prime Minister and Youri Latortue had asked 
Charles in a letter to appoint her as DCPJ. Lucius responded 
in kind by writing a letter of his own, and Charles 
ultimately appointed Lucius instead of Coicou. (Note: Charles 
told us that, despite his differences with Lucius, the latter 
was the only person with the courage and skill to confront 
the challenges of the current situation. End note). During a 
press statement soon thereafter, Coicou hinted that Lucius 
was himself a suspect in ongoing kidnapping investigations. 
Lucius said that Coicou had been an effective deputy to him 
for several years. But recently, personal jealousies combined 
with powerful backing from the Primature have led her to turn 
on him. 
 
¶7. (C) Separately, Lucius informed the DCM that Youri 
Latortue had recently handed in a letter of resignation from 
the HNP. It was widely believed that Youri had been fired 
from the HNP (Presidential Security Unit) for corruption in 
¶1998. Lucius said Youri had never formally left the HNP -- 
until now. He also said that the resignation letter had been 
backdated to March, 2004 in order to grant Youri the one-year 
separation from the HNP legally required for Senate 
candidates. Lucius said Youri is increasingly shifting 
attention towards his candidacy for Gonaives Senator. 
 
¶8. (C) Comment: Despite continuing concerns about his 
possible involvement in drug-trafficking, Lucius is certainly 
a more effective manager than his predecessor. He is widely 
credited for having the courage and discipline to get 
something done in these demanding circumstances. His comments 
revealed nothing particularly new (save for Youri's 
resignation), but confirmed much of what we already knew 
about the key role played by insiders and benefactors of the 
old Aristide regime in supplying and coordinating much of the 
recent violence. End comment. 
 
GRIFFITHS