This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 08 NEW DELHI 005912 
 
SIPDIS 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/27/2015 
TAGS: PGOV PHUM PREF PREL ECON KDEM KIRF SENV IN NP BT
SUBJECT: BHUTANESE DRAFT CONSTITUTION: A STEP IN THE RIGHT 
DIRECTION 
 
Classified By: Charge Robert O. Blake, Jr. for Reasons 1.4 (B, D) 
 
¶1. (C) Summary:  The RGOB released a draft constitution on 
March 26, continuing the process of democratic reform started 
when the King abdicated power to a council of ministers in 
¶1998.  The draft, if approved, would create a constitutional 
monarchy with a Parliament consisting of an upper and lower 
house, as well as executive and legislative branches.  King 
Wangchuck's decision to implement the constitution advances 
his own interests in preserving his role and protecting 
Bhutanese sovereignty, but it also constitutes a remarkable 
concession of power that will help usher Bhutan into the 
modern world.  Human rights activists and Bhutanese refugee 
leaders were critical, stating that the constitution does not 
adequately protect human rights, solidifies the power of the 
monarchy and allows the king to maintain de facto control 
over the government.  Their comments reflect the fact that 
the constitution has serious imperfections and will not 
result in an instant transition to liberal democracy. 
Bhutan's King is determined to avoid the pitfalls found by 
the hereditary leaders of neighboring Nepal and Sikkim.  Many 
Bhutanese citizens need convincing democracy is the best way 
forward, due to the many problems in governance they see in 
the democracies in the region.  End Summary. 
 
Background: A Step Forward a Long Time Coming 
--------------------------------------------- 
 
¶2.  (C) On March 26 the Royal Government of Bhutan (RGOB) 
released a draft constitution to the public, bringing the 
country a step closer to fulfilling King Wangchuck's promise 
to transform the isolated Himalayan kingdom into a 
constitutional monarchy.  The process began in 1998, when the 
King formally devolved executive powers to a Council of 
Ministers elected by secret ballot in the National Assembly. 
Although an important step at the time, the King maintains a 
large amount of control by personally selecting a sizable 
portion of the 150-member National Assembly.  Under the 
current system, the general population elects 105 
representatives, the king appoints 35 and the Buddhist clergy 
selects 10.  The members appointed by the King and the clergy 
vote in a solid bank with the Monarchy, requiring that King 
Wangchuck only garner 31 of the remaining 105 votes to 
prevail on any given issue.  This allows the King effectively 
to control appointments to the Council of Ministers and the 
judiciary.  With the Council of Ministers acting as the 
country's Executive Branch, the King retains considerable 
control over the day-to-day operations of the government. 
 
¶3.  (U) The draft constitution was written by a 39-member 
committee, chaired by the Chief Justice of the High Court and 
comprised of the Speaker of the National Assembly, two 
Buddhist monks, one elected member from each of Bhutan's 20 
dzongkhags (districts), the Royal Advisory Council (a 
nine-member board consisting of six members chosen from the 
National Assembly, two by the clergy and one appointed by the 
King), five representatives from the civil service and three 
High Court lawyers.  The document was reviewed by the 
National Assembly and has now been distributed to the people 
of Bhutan for their examination.  During the review period, 
King Wangchuck plans personally to discuss the document with 
the populace, before it goes to a national referendum, which 
the RGOB has yet to schedule.  Bhutanese Ambassador to India 
Tshering told Poloff on July 13 that monsoon rains would 
 
SIPDIS 
likely hold up the King's consultations with the people until 
the end of the summer.  A copy of the constitution is 
available on line at www.constitution.bt. 
 
Overview of the Constitution: Looks Decent on Paper 
--------------------------------------------- ------ 
 
¶4.  (C) The constitution would create a constitutional 
monarchy with a Parliament consisting of an upper and lower 
house, along with executive and judicial branches.  The 
constitution prescribes a two-party system, with the majority 
party selecting a Prime Minister.  The electorate will select 
Members of Parliament through two rounds of elections. The 
first round will be open to any registered party.  The two 
parties that receive the most votes in the first round will 
then face off in a second round to determine which will form 
the government.  The constitution specifies that no political 
party can be based on region, sex, language, religion or 
place of origin, must promote national unity and must "strive 
to ensure the well-being of the nation."  The constitution 
would also outlaw political parties banned by the current 
government, and obligate the opposition party to play a 
"constructive role" and promote national integrity, unity and 
harmony among all sections of society. 
 
¶5.  (C)  The new constitution won endorsement from at least 
one important RGOB critic.  Vice President Kesang Lhendup of 
the Druk National Congress (DNC), a political party 
representing eastern Bhutanese expelled from the country in 
the mid 1990's, opined that a government formed under the 
constitution would allow his group to return.  "Democracy is 
what we have been asking for," stated Lhendup "and those 
wishes would be answered by this constitution."  He 
acknowledged that the constitution is not perfect and 
predicted it would "evolve and improve over time."  The 
constitution defines the role of the monarchy as well as its 
powers and benefits.  It sets Buddhism as the spiritual 
heritage of the country, while granting freedom of religion 
as a fundamental right.  The document also guarantees the 
right to life, liberty, security, freedom of speech and 
press, freedom of movement, and the due process of law.  The 
constitution allows for national referendums, and describes 
how the RGOB can declare a state of emergency, remove the 
king from power, and replace him with the crown prince. 
 
Reasons for Change: It Suits the King 
------------------------------------- 
 
¶6.  (C) Delhi-based analysts shared differing opinions on 
King Wangchuck's reasons for seeking the creation of 
democracy in Bhutan.  Some believe he genuinely wants 
political reform, while others believe he is merely using the 
process to solidify his control over the country.  South 
Asian Studies Foundation Director Dr. Parmanand maintained 
that the King is dedicated to true democratic reforms and saw 
the constitution as one more step in that direction. 
Parmanand acknowledged that the King maintains a large degree 
of power under the constitution, but indicated that political 
change moves slowly in Bhutan and was confident that the 
system will continue to evolve into a truly representational 
democracy.  DNC's Lhendup told us that while the King is a 
forward thinking man and understands Bhutan's need for 
democracy, he would remain in control of the government if 
the constitution were formalized in its current iteration. 
Lhendup reiterated that the DNC, which currently is not 
allowed to operate in Bhutan, hoped to return after the 
constitution is accepted.  Interlocutors also asserted that 
most Bhutanese currently do not want the system of government 
in the Kingdom to change, because of shortcomings they see in 
the democracies around them.  Due to severe governance issues 
and opaque decision making processes in India, Nepal and 
Bangladesh, Bhutanese will need convincing that democracy is 
the best way forward. 
 
The Long-Term Plan: Avoid Being Swallowed By India 
--------------------------------------------- ----- 
 
¶7.  (C) South Asian Human Rights Documentation Center 
(SAHRDC) Director Ravi Nair agreed that the constitution is a 
step forward, but commented that King Wangchuck's true motive 
is to solidify and legitimize his power.  He argued that the 
King understands that he must shed the antiquated monarchical 
system and embrace modern government to be taken seriously in 
the international arena.  Nair argued that the King was 
strongly influenced by the experiences of Nepal and Sikkim, 
and is determined not to repeat their mistakes.  The King, 
according to Nair, believes that Nepal's numerous regional 
and ethnic political parties do not work for the national 
interest and is determined to limit this possible source of 
friction in Bhutan.  Nair also theorized that Wangchuck is 
determined that Bhutan does not follow Sikkim's example and 
be absorbed by India.  Noting that a steady migration of 
Nepalese preceded Sikkim's 1975 annexation by India, Nair 
theorized that King Wangchuck sees a close parallel to Bhutan 
and designed this constitution to pre-empt more radical 
change and make certain this will not happen to his country. 
 
¶8.  (C) Nair suggested that King Wangchuck could be using the 
constitution to legitimize his control over the country, 
noting that the Bhutan populace has yet to consent officially 
to the rule of the Wangchuck monarchy.  Until 1907, Bhutan 
was governed by a feudal system, with each dzongkhag 
(district) ruled by a different family.  During the Raj, the 
British hoped to negotiate a route through Bhutan to Tibet, 
but found it difficult to deal with so many disparate power 
centers.  In order to simplify negotiations, the British 
signed an agreement with the Baron of the Trongsa dzongkhag, 
Ugyen Wangchuck, naming him king of Bhutan.  Nair argued that 
the acceptance of the constitution would, for the first time, 
truly legitimize Wangchuck rule in Bhutan. 
 
¶9.  (C) Dr. Parmanand, who is also the author of a book on 
Bhutanese politics, agreed with Nair's historical assessment 
of the Wangchuck Dynasty's rise to power, but argued that its 
legitimacy is not in question.  Parmanand asserted that the 
Bhutanese people, including other noble families, recognize 
the Wangchucks as the legitimate monarchs and the King does 
not need a constitution to legitimize his reign.  Parmanand 
stated the king has kept the other feudal lords (Dashos) 
content by providing them numerous benefits, such as greater 
access to business licenses and government jobs.  Parmanand 
noted that the Dashos, who are small in number, would 
continue to receive preferential treatment under the proposed 
government and would not oppose the constitution. 
 
Concerns and Praise: On the Whole, A Good Start 
--------------------------------------------- -- 
 
¶10.  (C) Our interlocutors warned that the constitution 
contains many contradictions and ensures that much authority 
will continue to rest with the King, while mentioning a 
number of positive aspects.  They listed the following issues 
as significant: 
 
-- Article 1 (Kingdom of Bhutan) states that "Bhutan is a 
sovereign kingdom and sovereign power belongs to the people 
of Bhutan," however, other sections grant the king extensive 
powers and immunity.  The king has veto power over laws 
passed by parliament, can reverse executive council 
decisions, sack the executive council, and remains supreme 
commander of the armed forces.  The king is also above the 
law and cannot by tried in court for any reason, although 
provision does exist for his removal from office. 
 
-- Article 2 (The Institution of the Monarchy) solidifies the 
Wangchuck line as the hereditary rulers of Bhutan and 
stipulates that this article cannot be amended or changed in 
any way.  This section gives control of all "Royal Projects" 
to the King, but does not define them.  DNC Secretary Karma 
Dupthop stated that numerous work and construction ventures 
fall under the purview of "Royal Projects," giving the King 
control over large capital programs.  This section also 
allows the King to demand that bills of his choosing be 
introduced in Parliament while reserving all power not 
otherwise listed in the constitution for himself.  He would 
also have the authority to appoint the Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court without consulting with others in government. 
SAHRDC's Nair noted that since the judiciary is responsible 
for many of the checks enshrined in the constitution, the 
King's ability to choose the Chief Justice calls the validity 
of those checks into question. 
 
Constitutional Checks 
--------------------- 
¶11.  (C) The constitution does limit the King's authority by 
forcing him to step down at age 65 and relinquish the thrown 
to the crown prince.  Most notably, it stipulates that a 
joint sitting of Parliament can call for the King to abdicate 
his thrown for willfully violating the constitution or 
permanent mental disability.  The King must also abdicate, 
again to the crown prince, if three-fourths of Parliament 
pass a vote of no confidence in a joint sitting, followed by 
a national referendum in which a simple majority of the 
electorate votes for his removal.  Our interlocutors agreed 
that the ability of the National Assembly to call for the 
King's removal is a very important and positive aspect of the 
constitution. 
 
-- Article 3 (Spiritual Heritage) stipulates that Buddhism is 
the "spiritual heritage of Bhutan," promoting the values of 
peace, non-violence, compassion and tolerance.  This section 
also states that religion shall remain separate from 
politics.  Interlocutors questioned how this was possible, 
considering the numerous references to Buddhism throughout 
the document. 
 
-- Article 4 (Culture) had no provisions deemed problematic. 
 
-- Article 5 (Environment) was hailed as significant for 
creating constitutional safeguards to protect the fragile 
high-altitude ecosystem of Bhutan.  Dr. Parmanand emphasized 
that this Article would prevent the type of deforestation and 
environmental degradation found in Nepal.  Notably, it calls 
for 60 percent forest cover nationwide at all times, and 
environmentally sustainable economic development.  However, 
the DNC questioned Bhutan's environmental record, stating 
that the RGOB has "failed miserably" in protecting the 
environment and that "deforestation and land degradation 
takes place continuously," due to tree harvesting and mining 
projects. 
 
-- Article 6 (Citizenship) does not alter the status quo. 
This section states that questions concerning citizenship 
shall be, "subject to the provisions of this Article and the 
Citizenship Act," and that Parliament may regulate the issue. 
 Dr. Parmanand commented that this article could make it 
difficult for Bhutanese refugees in Nepal to regain their 
citizenship, because it contains a number of hurdles that 
they must overcome.  It mentions that any person applying for 
citizenship must have "no record of having spoken or acted 
against the King, the Country and the People of Bhutan," and 
must be able to read and write Dzongkha, which many people in 
the camps do not speak. 
 
-- Article 7 (Fundamental Rights) lists numerous rights 
bestowed to the Bhutanese people, including freedom of 
speech, assembly, press, movement, from arbitrary arrest, and 
the right to property, work, and a fair trial.  However, this 
article also allows the state to create, "reasonable 
restrictions" in the interests of "peace and stability and 
the well being of the nation" and "friendly relations with 
foreign states."  Nair and DNC's Dupthop asserted that these 
clauses give the government wide latitude to control other 
freedoms listed in this article.  Dupthop commented that if 
the government decides a person's comments offend an allied 
nation, it could censure or arrest him or her.  Nair also 
warned that the RGOB could declare a demonstration against 
government policies to be against the "well-being of the 
nation" and take action against the protesters. 
 
-- Article 8 (Fundamental Duties) lists responsibilities of 
the citizenry and did not raise concerns. 
 
-- Article 9 (Principles of State Policy) was not deemed 
problematic, and mentions the country's commitment to the 
pursuit of "Gross National Happiness (GNH)."  Interlocutors 
postulated that the RGOB's decision to strive for GNH as 
opposed to other indicators of success fits with Buddhist 
ideals and could be the right avenue for the country, but 
wondered how it would be measured. 
 
-- Article 10 (Parliament) lists the powers vested in the 
National Council and the National Assembly.  The DNC noted 
that this section grants the King the ability to send 
messages to the assembly, and convene extraordinary sessions. 
 
-- Article 11 (The National Council) allows the king to 
appoint five of the 25 members of the upper house of 
Parliament.  Dupthop observed that this would give the king a 
"considerable head start," with 20 percent of the votes on a 
given issue.  This section also states that candidates for 
the council "shall neither belong to nor have affiliation to 
any political party."  Dupthop noted that it was not clear 
whether prior affiliation to a party would disqualify a 
candidate from office. 
 
-- Article 12 (The National Assembly) specifies the size and 
terms of the lower house.  The DNC claimed the constitution 
is not fully democratic because it does not provide for 
"one-man-one-vote" (sic).  It would create a federalist 
structure in which each dzongkhag would have between 2 and 7 
seats in the National Assembly.  The DNC argued that this 
would be inherently unfair, as it would give districts with a 
smaller electorate greater legislative power than more 
populous ones. 
 
-- Article 13 (Passing of Bills) grants full veto power over 
all legislation to the King.  Nair argued that this is a 
major deviation from "modern" constitutional monarchies in 
which royals are generally figureheads rather than actual 
heads of state.  He proffered that Bhutan should have 
followed the British or Dutch models in allocating powers to 
the monarchy.  Parmanand noted that most Bhutanese would be 
pleased that the King retains final authority over 
legislation, because they are still relatively uncomfortable 
with democracy and see him as an important safeguard against 
the unknown. 
 
-- Article 14 (Finance, Trade and Commerce) was not 
controversial according to our sources. 
 
-- Article 15 (Political Parties), our interlocutors argued, 
sets serious limits on political freedoms in Bhutan.  This 
section states that "political parties shall ensure that 
national interests prevail over all other interests" and that 
they shall "promote national unity," ensuring the well being 
of the nation.  Dupthop and Nair commented that these 
statements are very open-ended and leave much room for 
interpretation.  "The government can use this article as the 
basis to crack down on political parties that do not agree 
with the administration," argued Dupthop.  This section 
allows the Supreme Court to dissolve a party it deems 
contravenes the constitution.  Lhendup warned that this 
section, along with the other vague sections dealing with 
individuals' rights, leaves opposition parties vulnerable, 
especially since the Chief Justice is beholden to the King. 
 
Political Rational 
------------------ 
 
¶12.  (C) King Wangchuck told Poloff during an October 2004 
meeting that one goal of the constitution would be to limit 
regional, ethnic and religious tensions in the political 
system.  The constitution states that these issues cannot be 
used for electoral gain and sets a two-tiered election system 
to limit their influence.  The first round of elections would 
be open to all political parties, with the top two vote 
getters squaring off in a second round.  Dr. Parmanand 
commented that this system would successfully limit the 
influence of numerous regional parties and ensure that the 
two parties elected to parliament have a wider support base. 
 
-- Article 16 (Public Campaign Financing) attempts to limit 
monetary inequities by creating an Election Commission to 
allocate resources evenly to all political parties and fix 
campaign expenditures. 
 
-- Article 17 (Formation of Government) states that the 
majority party would chose the Prime Minister and sets a 
two-term limit for him or her, states that ministers must be 
members of the National Assembly and that only two ministers 
may be chosen from any given dzongkhag.  The DNC warned that 
Article 17 gives the King the authority to appoint ministers 
only on the "recommendation" of the Prime Minister, therefore 
giving him full control over executive branch appointments. 
 
-- Article 18 (The Opposition Party) specifies that the party 
in opposition act as a check against the ruling party and 
"shall promote national integrity, unity and harmony and 
co-operation among all sections of society."  It also states 
"the opposition party shall not allow party interests to 
prevail over the national interest.  Its aim must be to make 
the Government responsible, accountable and transparent." 
DNC's Dupthop questioned who would decide whether the 
opposition was performing this role and the penalties for 
failure. 
 
-- Article 19 (Interim Government) was not seen as 
problematic by our interlocutors. 
-- Article 20 (The Executive) determines the powers of the 
executive branch and creates the Council of Ministers, headed 
by the Prime Minister.  Pundits noted that this article 
clearly confers last word on many issues to the monarchy in 
that it states that the Prime Minister shall advise the king 
in the exercise of his functions, but that the king my 
"require the Council of Ministers to reconsider such advice." 
 The Article continues that the council "shall be 
collectively responsible to the king and Parliament," and the 
DNC argued this indicates the king can dismiss the body. 
 
-- Article 21 (The Judiciary) creates the court system and 
sets term limits for judges.  Terms for Supreme Court judges 
are 10 years, or the age of 65 and the Chief Justice must 
step down after five years.  This section also calls for a 
High Court and a National Judicial Committee consisting of 
the Chief Justice, the senior-most Supreme Court judge, the 
chairperson of the legislative committee of the National 
Assembly and the Attorney General.  Local pundits expressed 
concern over royal control over the judiciary, because the 
article states the king can appoint the Chief Justice upon 
"consultation" with the National Judicial Committee.  Dupthop 
noted that while the King must discuss his choice with the 
legal body, he does not need its approval. 
 
-- Article 22 (Local Governments) sets rules for formation of 
district, town and village administration.  SAHRDC's Nair 
commented that this section does not adequately specify the 
power of local governments. 
 
-- Article 23 (Elections) determines voter and candidate 
qualifications, as well as election regulations.  This 
section states that no person under "foreign protection" can 
run for office.  The DNC noted that this statement ensures 
that no refugees can be elected.  This article also 
disqualifies candidates who have been terminated from public 
office or convicted of any criminal offense that included a 
prison sentence.  (Comment: The RGOB forced many Bhutanese of 
Nepali origin into "compulsory retirement" during the 
mid-1990's.  It is possible that these people would be 
considered "terminated from government service" and unable to 
run for public office. End Comment.) 
 
-- Article 24 (The Royal Audit Authority), Article 25 (The 
Royal Civil Service Commission), and Article 26 (The 
Anti-Corruption Commission) were viewed by our interlocutors 
as beneficial and would facilitate the development of an 
accountable and transparent bureaucracy. 
 
-- Article 27 (Defense) stipulates that the King is the 
supreme commander of the armed forces.  It allows for a draft 
in times of crisis and states that the military may only be 
used for self-defense. 
 
-- Article 28 (The Attorney General), Article 29 (The Pay 
Commission) and Article 30 (Holders of Constitutional 
Offices), Article 31 (Impeachment) were not commented on by 
our interlocutors. 
 
-- Article 32 (National Referendum) allows the electorate to 
pass a referendum by a simple majority.  However, it 
stipulates that a referendum cannot be held on questions 
relating to taxation. 
 
-- Article 33 (Emergency) allows the king to call a national 
emergency in times of crises. The National Assembly, with 
only 1/4th of the members voting against the measure, can 
overturn the state of emergency.  Dupthop praised this 
provision, arguing it will prevent abuse. 
 
-- Article 34 (Amendment and Authoritative Text) states an 
amendment to the constitution may initiated by simple 
majority and passed by no less than 3/4th of the vote, and 
must be approved by the king. 
 
Comment: A Constitutional Monarchy with a Capital "M" 
--------------------------------------------- -------- 
 
¶13.  (C) Although it reserves numerous and extensive powers 
for the King, the draft constitution is an important step 
towards democracy.  Should it be implemented in its present 
form, the constitution would allow the Monarchy to maintain 
effective control over the government, while appearing to be 
uninvolved.  The Constitution also contains loopholes the 
could inhibit fundamental and political rights.  However, 
most Bhutanese will favor a constitution allowing the 
monarchy to remain a central player and will likely endorse 
the charter with few changes. Many Bhutanese are still not 
convinced that democracy is the best form of government, but 
will agree to the transformation due to the King's support 
for the constitution and his assertion that "a country cannot 
rely on a bloodline to provide the best leaders."  Despite 
the constitution's many shortcomings, it is a step forward by 
King Wangchuck is clearly acting to preserve Bhutan's 
sovereignty, but also is committed to granting his people 
more prerogatives.  Although, the constitution would not 
instantly create a modern liberal democracy, it shows the 
King is willing to relinquish power in a way that few 
politicians are inclined to do. 
BLAKE