This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 10 CALCUTTA 000246 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
 
STATE FOR SA/INS, S/CT AND INR 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PINS PTER PGOV PREL SOCI IN
SUBJECT: INDIA'S NORTHEAST MILITANCY: AN OVERVIEW 
 
¶1. (U)  SUMMARY.  This cable provides an overview of the 
"alphabet soup" of ethnic insurgencies that have plagued India's 
Northeast throughout its history.  The first three paragraphs 
provide a broad overview of the factors that have spawned these 
conflicts and should be of general interest to India 
policymakers.  The remainder details the history and activities 
of the main individual groups and is targeted to a more 
specialist audience.  END SUMMARY. 
 
BACKGROUND:  ALIENATION BREEDS CONFLICT 
--------------------------------------- 
 
¶2. (U)  Northeast India, home to nearly 40 million people, is 
surrounded by international boundaries with China, Bhutan, Burma 
and Bangladesh.  The population of the Northeast is largely of 
East and Central Asian origin and is culturally quite distinct 
from the rest of South Asia; ethnically as well as 
geographically it is considered to be a gateway that links India 
to East and Southeast Asia.  The region is connected to the rest 
of India by a narrow piece of land, the 21-kilometer "chicken's 
neck" between Bangladesh and Nepal, and comprises eight states - 
Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura, Arunachal 
Pradesh and Sikkim.  Over 150 indigenous communities speaking 
more than 420 languages and dialects inhabit the area.  While 
non-tribals dominate Assam and Tripura, over 60 per cent of the 
other states are populated by tribes scheduled in the Indian 
Constitution.  Moreover, there are radical differences between 
the inhabitants of the hills and plains in the region, like the 
Meiteis and the Nagas of Manipur.  Historically, some of these 
communities did have cultural and economic ties with the rest of 
India but politically they were never the subjects of the 
empires or kingdoms that ruled India prior to the advent of the 
British.  Annexation brought the Northeast into the fold of 
British India in the second half of the 19th century.  Policies 
initiated then introduced changes that contributed to ethnic 
tensions in the region. 
 
¶3. (SBU)  With independence in 1947, the Indian ruling elite 
tried to integrate the Northeast into the Indian state with a 
carrot and stick policy.  But from the 1950s onwards, this was 
met with resistance by the Naga insurgency.  In subsequent 
decades, other communities also took to arms and the scale of 
conflict prevalent in the region has ebbed and flowed, but has 
frequently been akin to low intensity warfare.  The partition of 
India was disastrous for the Northeast since the creation of 
East Pakistan resulted in severance of inland waterways, roads 
and railways, access to Chittagong port and vital economic 
linkages.  Partition also brought waves of unwanted migration 
that upset the demographic equations in the region.  There was 
no economic development to match the new needs of the region, 
and the backwardness heightened the people's feeling of 
isolation and alienation vis-`-vis "mainland" India.  For a long 
period the Northeast remained largely excluded from India's 
process of nation-building and modernization.  Development funds 
for the states have often fallen into corrupt hands and leaked 
into the coffers of insurgent groups.  The complete failure of 
the political leadership of the region enabled the ethnic groups 
to aggressively voice their sub-national aspirations and the 
easy availability of arms led to further deterioration in the 
security situation.  For most of its history the GOI conceived 
the region as a strategic area where military strength should be 
concentrated to maintain order, a view that was strongly 
reinforced by the Sino-Indian War in 1962.  At the same time, 
the government's management of porous international borders 
remained ineffective. 
 
¶4. (SBU)  Northeast conflicts are broadly perceived as ethnic 
identities confronting the mainstream Indian state.  However, a 
closer look reveals a greater complexity.  Confrontations may be 
categorized as a) indigenous group versus state; b) tribe versus 
tribe; and c) tribal versus non-tribal.  In any particular 
conflict, more than one of these elements may overlap.  The 
objectives of the various movements have included complete 
secession and independence, state formation, regional autonomy, 
a right to self-determination, and eviction of outsiders.  Some 
of the groups have largey lost touch wit their ideological 
roots and are essentially maitaining a livelihood through 
politically justified banditry.  Each state has specific 
concerns and each people their particular grievances.  Although 
rebel alliances exist, each group has its own agenda that often 
does not accommodate the aspirations of other groups.  For 
instance, the ULFA does not approve of the NSCN-IM's goal of 
Greater Nagaland, since it would incorporate parts of Assam. 
Overall, the primary battle of each group is for territorial 
supremacy over areas they claim to represent.  For this reason, 
the Nagas are in conflict with Manipuris and Kukis, and the 
Bodos have killed Santhals. 
 
THE ALPHABET SOUP INSURGENCIES:  WHO ARE THEY? 
--------------------------------------------- - 
 
¶5. (SBU)  Following are sketches of the history and current 
activities of the major insurgent movements in the area, broken 
down by state, according to the following index: 
 
A) Assam 
--   United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) 
--   Bodo ethnic groups 
--         National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) 
--         Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT) 
 
B) Nagaland 
--   National Socialist Council of Nagalim-Isak-Muivah 
         (NSCN-IM) 
--   National Socialist Council of Nagalim-Khaplang 
         (NSCN-K) 
 
C) Tripura 
--   National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) 
--   All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF) 
 
D) Manipur 
--   United National Liberation Front (UNLF) 
--   People's Liberation Army (PLA) 
--   The People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak 
          (PREPAK) 
--   Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL) 
 
E) Meghalaya 
--   Achik National Volunteer Council (ANVC) 
--   Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) 
 
F) State-wise listing of minor groups by name and acronym 
 
A)  ASSAM: 
 
United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) 
 
Assam, the most populous state in the region, has a multi-ethnic 
and multi-lingual society.  A majority of ethnic Assamese and 16 
tribes constitute Assam's indigenous population.  Assam's 
peripheral location in India, its resultant under-development 
and dramatic changes in its demography caused by an influx of 
Bangladeshis across the borders have triggered militancy.  The 
ULFA, the most formidable insurgent outfit, demands sovereignty 
for Assam. 
It is a secessionist ethnic insurgent socialist organization 
employing terrorist tactics.  Founded on April 7, 1979, the ULFA 
enjoyed mass support in its initial years but gradually lost its 
popularity.  From its inception to 1985, ULFA failed to make any 
real impact since the Assam Movement against "foreigners," 
specifically Bengali settlers, was led by the All Assam 
Students' Union (AASU) and dominated the state's political 
scene.  The Assam Movement formally ended on August 15, 1985 and 
some of its leaders formed the state government.  It was then 
that ULFA made its presence felt and launched its mission to 
"liberate Assam from Delhi's colonialism."  New Delhi banned the 
ULFA in 1990 and started a military offensive against it.  The 
ULFA's kidnappings, murders, extortion and its leadership's big 
business undertakings in neighboring countries -- particularly 
Bangladesh - harmed its public image.  Public opinion turned 
against ULFA when its leaders expressed support for Pakistan 
during the 1999 Kargil military operation.  In 2005, the United 
States added the group to the Other Selected Terrorist 
Organizations (OSTO) list. 
 
In 1997 a spurt in ULFA activities led the GOI to form the 
Unified Command -- of army, paramilitary, police and state 
Government.  Since 1998, hundreds of ULFA members have 
surrendered, but hardcore militants stayed in their camps in 
Bhutan, Burma and Bangladesh.  The ULFA's numerical strength was 
depleted by the attack on its Bhutan camps in December 2003 by 
the Royal Bhutan Army and the Indian Army.  The estimated 
committed cadre strength now is about 700.  In its initial 
years, government officials, businessmen, tea planters and 
politicians were the major targets.  In recent years it has 
killed civilians including children as well as Hindi-speaking 
migrants.  In 2003 ULFA killed more than 60 "outsiders," mainly 
from the state of Bihar, in Assam.  On August 15, 2004, India's 
Independence Day, a bomb blast in Dhemaji killed an estimated 13 
people, including 6 children, and injured 21.  In addition, 
numerous bomb blasts at oil installations and other 
infrastructure are regularly reported. 
 
The GOI accuses ULFA of maintaining links with Pakistan's 
Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and the Directorate General of 
Field Intelligence of Bangladesh.  Intelligence sources believe 
that the ULFA procures and trades in arms with other Northeast 
Indian outfits and the Maoists of Nepal.  The GOI claims that 
ULFA workers also visit Nepal and have some connection with the 
Maoists.  Important leaders include Paresh Barua 
(Commander-in-Chief) and Arabinda Rajkhowa (Chairman) based in 
Bangladesh.  ULFA workers are believed to be present in the 
states of Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya and Nagaland.  The ULFA 
has linkages with other ethnic insurgent outfits active in 
neighboring states like the National Socialist Council of 
Nagaland - Khaplang (NSCN-K) and the United National Liberation 
Front (UNLF).  Other ULFA "satellites" - like the National 
Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) and the Kamtapur Liberation 
Organization (KLO) - were badly affected by the Bhutan operation. 
 
In 2004-2005, Assamese author Indira Goswami took the initiative 
to work out a way to bring the GOI and the ULFA to the 
negotiating table.  Despite the GOI's willingness, the ULFA time 
and again set conditions for talks that are difficult to 
fulfill.  The outfit insisted on the pre-condition that 
sovereignty should figure in the talks, a provision the GOI 
reportedly accepted with some reluctance in the hope that this 
would facilitate peace.  But then the ULFA leadership insisted 
that those leaders of the outfit who have been arrested and 
detained in Assam should be released.  As of July 2005, this has 
created a deadlock since the government cannot release insurgent 
leaders without formal assurance of a ceasefire and negotiations 
by the ULFA.  Assam's Congress Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi is 
reportedly keen that the detainees be released, but New Delhi is 
reluctant.  New Delhi has also tried to persuade Bangladesh to 
crack down on Indian militant camps on its soil and to extradite 
ULFA leader Anup Chetia.  Significantly, although the ULFA has 
attacked "outsiders," it has not targeted Bangladeshi migrants 
in Assam in recent times.  Analysts interpret this as the result 
of a tacit understanding between the outfit and the Bangladesh 
authorities that shelter its leaders. 
 
The ULFA's inclusion in the U.S. OSTO list drew a favorable 
response from Assam's security officials, although the Congress, 
preparing for state elections in 2006, expressed reservations on 
the timing of this development.  Security analysts felt that the 
listing was not only a warning to the ULFA, but also to 
Bangladesh where the militant leadership lives with support from 
the establishment.  However, the ULFA responded with an appeal 
to the U.S. to intervene in the "political conflict" and help 
peace dawn on Assam - a sign that the outfit is responsive to 
U.S. and global opinion. 
 
BODO ETHNIC GROUPS 
 
National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) 
 
The National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) is a 
secessionist ethnic insurgent organization demanding an 
independent state for the Bodo ethnic group in Assam.  Formed on 
October 3, 1986, and led by Chairman Ranjan Daimary, this is one 
of the most dreaded outfits of Northeast India and one that 
shared close ties with the ULFA.  The group's strength has 
dwindled since the 2003 operations in Bhutan.  The NDFB also 
suffered serious setbacks in the recent past with the arrests of 
senior leaders.  The group indulged in hit and run operations on 
security forces, explosions in public places and have targeted 
innocent people.  The organization is allegedly supported by the 
ISI of Pakistan, and is believed to have bases in Bangladesh, 
Burma, and perhaps still a lingering presence in Bhutan. 
 
In October 2004, the NDFB declared a ceasefire with the GOI and 
then extended it for another six months in April 2005.  On May 
25, a GOI-NDFB truce agreement was signed by Special Secretary 
in the Union Home Ministry Anil Chaudhary, Assam Home Secretary 
B K Gohain and NDFB General Secretary Gobinda Basumatary.  This 
agreement came into effect from June 1, 2005.  According to 
contacts, the truce is similar to the one the GOI signed with 
the Naga outfit NSCN-IM, including the ground-rules of the 
ceasefire, suspension of operations and signaling the beginning 
of formal talks.  Sources said that the NDFB and GOI had been 
holding unofficial parleys since April 2005, and the signing of 
the agreement is only its culmination and formalization. 
 
Another Bodo outfit, the Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT) has 
already negotiated with the Center and made peace.  The BLT and 
the All Bodo Students Union (ABSU) participated in polls for the 
Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) on May 13, that would 
facilitate a sort of limited self-governance to Bodos in 
Kokrajhar, Baska, Udalguri and Chirang districts.  The NDFB did 
not participate in the polls.  The Bodo groups are disunited and 
the NDFB, now isolated, has come under pressure to make peace. 
 
However, the Government of India may find it difficult to find 
an early solution to the problem with the NDFB still sticking to 
its demand for an independent Bodoland.  If the outfit maintains 
this stand, the government may find it difficult to persuade 
them to accept more powers under the Indian constitution. 
Moreover, the BTC was created only in December 2003 after the 
signing of the peace pact between the Central and State 
governments and the erstwhile militant group Bodo Liberation 
Tigers (BLT).  The NDFB and BLT are rivals and it will be 
difficult for the government to find any peace formula that will 
satisfy both groups. 
 
B)  NAGALAND: 
 
National Socialist Council of Nagalim-Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM) 
 
When India became independent in 1947, the Nagas (then 
inhabitants of the Naga Hills in undivided Assam) were unwilling 
to be part of the new republic and launched an armed struggle 
for a sovereign Naga homeland.  The creation of Nagaland state 
in 1963 failed to contain their militancy.  The Nagas' mindset 
compelled them to launch a separatist crusade, even symbolically 
declaring "independence" from the British one day before India 
did so in 1947.  Neither economic problems nor the lack of 
development motivated the birth of Naga insurgency.  Rather, 
cultural and historical factors played the dominant role in the 
Naga ethnic upheaval.  At the time of independence the Nagas 
were not psychologically prepared to be part of India because 
they had never in their history perceived themselves as Indians. 
 The Naga secessionist movement originated to ensure a Naga way 
of life in a Naga homeland.  The nature of Naga society itself 
prompted the birth of their "nationalist" movement.  The most 
important impact of the British occupation of the Naga Hills 
from the mid-19th century was the spread of Christianity and 
Western education.  Along with the conversion of large sections 
of Nagas, the education provided by the missionaries helped 
weaken the exclusive clan allegiance of each sub-tribe and paved 
the way for the growth of a pan-Naga consciousness.  A sort of 
common Naga identity based on Christianity emerged.  The Naga 
community in India consists of 17 major tribes and at least 20 
sub-tribes.  They inhabit primarily Nagaland, and small areas in 
Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.  Other Naga tribes live 
across the border in Burma.  There have been about 20,000 
insurgency-related deaths in Nagaland since India's independence. 
 
The movement for a sovereign Nagaland by Nagas was one of the 
first major challenges to India's nation-building process.  The 
Naga National Council (NNC) under Angami Zapu Phizo initially 
led the revolt against the Center.  In 1963, New Delhi created 
Nagaland state but could not quell the movement.  Aided by 
Pakistan and China, and despite confrontations with Indian 
security forces, Naga rebels continued with violence.  The NNC 
was banned in 1972.  NNC moderates accepted the Indian 
Constitution by the 1975 Shillong Accord with New Delhi. 
Subsequently, NNC radicals formed the National Socialist Council 
of Nagalim (NSCN) in 1980 for the cause of a greater Nagaland 
encompassing all Naga inhabited areas in the Northeast.  There 
were inter-tribe clashes within the NSCN.  It split in 1988 with 
one faction under Isak Chisi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah and the 
other led by S. Khaplang.  The NSCN-(Isak-Muivah) (NSCN-IM) 
emerged the more powerful of the two outfits.  A cease-fire was 
initiated between the GOI and NSCN-IM in 1997, but negotiations 
to ensure a lasting peace have not progressed much since then. 
In April 2000 the NSCN-Khaplang (NSCN-K) group declared a 
cease-fire, but no productive talks have ensued.  A successful 
outcome to the Naga talks would set a precedent for all other 
Northeast insurgencies and is therefore viewed by many as 
crucial for peace in the region. 
 
The NSCN-IM is an insurgent group of Nagas, operating in 
Nagaland, Assam, Manipur, and Arunachal Pradesh.  The Tangkhul 
tribe of Nagas based in the Manipur hills dominates the outfit. 
The estimated cadre strength is 4,500.  The NSCN-IM's objective 
is to establish Greater Nagaland (Nagalim) consisting of all 
Naga inhabited areas in Northeast India.  The outfit has 
linkages in Burma, Bangladesh, Thailand and the Netherlands. 
General Secretary Thuingaleng Muivah and Chairman Isak Chisi Swu 
are negotiating for a peace settlement with GOI, and have 
virtually given up the demand for full sovereignty.  During the 
BJP regime at the Center, New Delhi acknowledged the "unique 
history" of the Nagas, something that the NSCN interpreted as a 
sign of a positive direction in the negotiations.  In January 
2003, the NSCN-IM leadership, until then living in exile either 
in Bangkok or in Amsterdam, visited India after decades for 
talks with the GOI.  Despite the optimism, the two sides reached 
no substantial agreements. 
 
With the new Congress government in New Delhi since May 2004, 
the peace negotiations seem to remain deadlocked.  The UPA 
Government's Common Minimum Program described the borders of the 
Northeast states as inviolable.  This means that the demand for 
Greater Nagaland (comprising parts of Manipur, Assam and 
Arunachal Pradesh) cannot be met.  That said, it is the vehement 
- and in the past violent - opposition of the neighboring states 
that really constrains the Center from agreeing to re-draw the 
state boundaries on strictly ethnic lines.  On other issues, the 
GOI is quite flexible and is believed to have unofficially 
agreed to the rebels' demand for greater autonomy in all 
departments barring currency, external affairs, communication 
and defense, but the NSCN-IM leadership is unwilling to 
compromise on the question of territorial integrity of Naga 
inhabited areas.  The issue is highly contentious since the 
NSCN-IM's leadership is dominated by Tangkhuls, who are mostly 
from Manipur.  The NSCN-IM has called on Nagas to be prepared 
for any eventuality, implicitly threatening the GOI with a 
return to arms.  The outfit's charter of demands also includes a 
separate flag, opening of trade and tourism centers under the 
new Naga flag, control over taxation, greater control over 
natural resources and a new name for the state assembly in their 
ethnic language.  The rebel leaders returned to India in 
December 2004, but departed again in early July 2005, apparently 
without having achieved any progress in the talks. 
 
National Socialist Council of Nagalim-Khaplang (NSCN-K) 
 
The Naga insurgency is fraught with tribal factionalism.  The 
NSCN-K is active in eastern Nagaland, parts of Arunachal Pradesh 
and Burma.  It is the rival group of NSCN-IM, and is led by 
Chairman S.S. Khaplang.  The NSCN-K was formed on April 30, 
1988, following an assassination attempt on the General 
Secretary of what emerged as the rival outfit NSCN-IM, 
 
SIPDIS 
Thuingaleng Muivah.  Clannish divisions among the Nagas (Konyaks 
and Tangkhuls) were the primary reason behind the split of the 
NSCN in 1988.  The Konyaks formed the NSCN-K (Khaplang) under 
the leadership of Khole Konyak and Khaplang. 
 
This group aims at establishing a Greater Nagaland comprising 
Naga inhabited areas in eastern India and contiguous areas in 
Burma.  The organization runs a government in exile, with its 
cadre strength exceeding 2,000.  A large section of the group's 
workers reside in Burma, where it maintains training camps and 
its headquarters.  Although it is under ceasefire with the GOI, 
there have been no negotiations as yet.  There are frequent 
reports of clashes between cadres of NSCN-IM and NSCN-K in and 
around Nagaland, something that has contributed to growing 
disunity within the Naga community.  The Government of Burma has 
reportedly cracked down occasionally on the camps of the NSCN-K. 
 
C)  TRIPURA: 
 
National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT) 
 
A tribal insurgent outfit in Tripura, the NLFT was first formed 
in 1989 by some top leaders of the rebel Tripura National 
Volunteers (TNV) which surrendered following an accord with the 
Rajiv Gandhi government in 1988.  It has two factions - one led 
by Biswamohan Debbarma and the other by Nayanbashi Jamatia. 
NLFT's founder-president Dhananjay Reang was ousted by a coup 
led by Tripuri (tribal) leaders, the Debbarmas, in December 
¶1993.  The Debbarma faction is dominant, aiming to establish an 
"independent" Tripura through armed struggle.  It resorts to 
killings and abductions of Bengalis (whose influx have reduced 
the tribals to a minority) and sometimes of tribals.  The 
estimated strength is 800 cadres.  The outfit is believed to 
have most of its camps in Bangladesh (from where they conduct 
hit and run operations in Tripura's border areas) and some in 
Burma.  The weaker NLFT faction is led by the Jamatia community. 
 In April 2004, the Jamatia faction of NLFT signed a memorandum 
with representatives of the State and GOI, agreeing to a 
cessation of hostilities.  In Tripura, where the ruling 
government is led by the Communist Party of India-Marxist 
(CPI-M), the NLFT has in the past supported the opposition 
Congress Party (through a "legitimate" front organization that 
entered an alliance) and also unleashed significant violence 
before and during elections.  However, with the Congress having 
now weakened considerably in state politics, the NLFT's violence 
has been toned down.  Indian security forces have also enticed 
some rebel workers of the NLFT to desert. 
 
All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF) 
 
The All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF) was founded on July 11, 1990, 
under the leadership of Ranjit Debbarma. It was initially called 
the All Tripura Tribal Force, a small group operating in pockets 
of North and South districts of Tripura.  Its objective is to 
evict outsiders (Bengalis) and establish independent Tripura, 
and also to restore land to dispossessed tribals.  The cadre 
strength is now approximately 600.  By 1991, it had emerged as a 
formidable group, but in March 1994, more than 1,600 cadres 
surrendered under an amnesty scheme offered by the state 
government.  It is a group of ATTF cadres who did not surrender 
who subsequently revived the organization. 
 
The ATTF headquarters are believed to be located at Tarabon in 
Bangladesh.  ATTF cadres are reported to have received training 
in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) of Bangladesh and the outfit 
is said to have a number of bases there.  In April 2004, ATTF's 
Ranjit Debbarma laid down three pre-conditions for peace talks 
with the GOI - migrants into Tripura after 1949 and whose names 
did not figure in the voters' list of 1952 should be declared 
foreigners; sovereignty should be a point of discussion in the 
peace talks; and a representative of the Unrepresented Nations 
and Peoples Organization (UNPO) should be present during the 
peace talks.  These conditions were not accepted and no progress 
regarding a peace procedure has been made so far.  In recent 
years ATTF is believed to have worked in alliance with the ULFA. 
 However, the outfit's violent activities have declined over the 
past year. 
 
D)  MANIPUR: 
 
United National Liberation Front (UNLF) 
 
The oldest Meitei insurgent group in Manipur, the UNLF was 
founded in 1964 and is led by Rajkumar Meghen.  The armed wing 
of this outfit is called the Manipur People's Army.  The 
objective is to establish an independent and socialist Manipur, 
a state the UNLF claims was "annexed" by India in 1949.  UNLF 
leaders established a relationship with the authorities of 
erstwhile East Pakistan and underwent military training there in 
¶1969.  The UNLF shared good relations with both Pakistan and 
China.  In June 1975, UNLF leader N. Bisheswar Singh and 16 
other Meitei (Manipuri) rebels went to Lhasa to seek Chinese 
assistance. 
 
The outfit has an estimated strength of 2,500, with training 
camps believed to be in Burma and Bangladesh.  In 1990, the UNLF 
along with other NE insurgent groups like ULFA, NSCN-K and the 
Kuki National Army floated the Indo-Burma Revolutionary Front to 
wage a "united struggle for the independence of Indo-Burma." 
The outfit has consistently attacked security personnel. 
 
In February 2005, the UNLF mooted a four-point proposal to bring 
the Indo-Manipur conflict to an end.  The proposal included: a 
plebiscite under United Nations supervision to elicit the 
opinion of the people of Manipur on the core issue of Manipur's 
independence; deployment of a UN peace keeping force in Manipur 
to ensure the process is free and fair; surrender of arms by the 
UNLF to the UN force, matched with the withdrawal of Indian 
troops; and handing over of political power by the UN in 
accordance with the results of the plebiscite.  These conditions 
were unacceptable to the GOI and no progress has been made so 
far. 
 
People's Liberation Army (PLA) 
 
The PLA is another Meitei outfit in Manipur with a political 
wing, the Revolutionary People's Front (RPF).  The PLA was 
established under the leadership of N. Bisheswar Singh in 
September 1978.  Now led by I. Chaoren and running a government 
in exile in Bangladesh, the outfit aims at organizing a 
revolutionary front covering the entire Northeast and uniting 
all ethnic groups, including Meiteis, Nagas and Kukis, to 
liberate Manipur.  The PLA is believed to have camps in Burma 
and Bangladesh.  The outfit's estimated strength would be 3,000 
and it has targeted security personnel and local political 
leaders.  It maintains links with the UNLF, PREPAK, as well as 
the NSCN-K, ULFA, and the Kachin Independent Army (KIA) of 
Burma.  The RPF also functions as moral police - it banned the 
showing of Hindi films since these allegedly corrupted Manipuri 
culture.  The outfit also punishes drug traders. 
 
The People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) 
 
PREPAK was formed in 1977 demanding the expulsion of "outsiders" 
from the state.  Led by Achamba Singh and Tajila, the group has 
an estimated cadre strength of 1,000.  It is primarily trained 
by the NSCN-IM.  The PREPAK is part of the Manipur People's 
Liberation Front (MPLF), an umbrella organization also including 
the UNLF and PLA.  Other than the Manipur valley, PREPAK 
operates in small areas of Nagaland and Mizoram.  It reportedly 
received weapons and training from the Kachin Independent Army 
(KIA) of Burma and has camps in Bangladesh. 
 
Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL) 
 
The KYKL, another Meitei insurgent group, was formed in January 
¶1994.  It consisted of breakaway groups from the UNLF, the 
PREPAK and the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP).  The outfit 
aims at reforming and rebuilding Manipuri society by cleansing 
it of immoral activities, drug trade and corruption.  The outfit 
claims to follow the principle of "all for one and one for all" 
with regard to the entire Northeast region.  In 2001, the outfit 
launched 'Operation New Kangleipak,' an 'anti-corruption' 
campaign to 'clean up' the educational system in Manipur.  It 
also pledged open support to other terrorist groups who 
reportedly work against the narcotics trade, drug addiction, and 
immoral practices.  Led by Namoijam Oken and Achou Toijamba, it 
engages widely in extortion and works jointly with the NSCN-IM. 
In 2004, the Vice Chancellor of Manipur University N. Bijoy 
Singh and Registrar R.K. Ranjan were kidnapped by the KYKL and 
later released after being shot in the legs.  According to a 
KYKL statement, both were punished for flouting rules in the 
appointment of a university official.  Along with the RPF, the 
KYKL has meted out corporal punishment to drug traffickers and 
those indulging in other forms of corruption. 
E)  MEGHALAYA: 
 
Achik National Volunteer Council (ANVC) 
 
The ANVC was formed in December 1995 with the goal of attaining 
a homeland for the Garo tribe in the Garo Hills area of 
Meghalaya and Kamrup and Goalpara districts of Assam.  Led by 
Dilash R. Marak, the ANVC is active in the Garo Hills and the 
West Khasi Hills of the state.  It resorts largely to extortion 
and currently works with the ULFA.  The ANVC is said to have 
some camps in Bangladesh.  Incidents of abduction are frequent 
and the trading community is often compelled to provide funds. 
In July 2004, a cease-fire agreement was signed between the GOI 
and the ANVC.  A seven member ANVC team signed the agreement in 
New Delhi.  A ceasefire-monitoring cell and two designated camps 
for housing the surrendered militants were set up in the Garo 
Hills region.  However, the government has accused the ANVC of 
violating the ceasefire ground rules while the rebels have 
questioned the government's sincerity in starting  -- or not 
starting - the peace talks.  Negotiations for peace are yet to 
commence. 
 
Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) 
 
The HNLC was created in 1992 when Meghalaya's first militant 
outfit, the Hynniewtrep Achik Liberation Council (HALC), split. 
The Hynniewtreps claim to represent the Khasi and Jaintia 
tribes, while the Achiks represent the Garos.  The HNLC aims at 
establishing a state exclusively for Khasis, and free of any 
major presence of the Garos.  The outfit also intends to evict 
outsiders.  Led by Julius  Dorphang, the HNLC operates primarily 
in the Khasi Hills and maintains contact with the NSCN-IM.  It 
engages in killings and abductions. 
 
Prominent Meghalaya church leader Reverend P.B.M. Basaiawmoit 
recently announced that the HNLC has agreed to a ceasefire with 
the government.  The group has set a pre-condition that talks 
should be held outside the country.  They also want a formal 
invitation either from the Prime Minister or from the Union Home 
Minister.  However, no concrete progress has yet been made in 
the direction of a ceasefire. 
 
F)  AND MANY MORE... 
 
The preceding 13 outfits demonstrate something of the intricacy 
of insurgency in India's Northeast.  However, these are only the 
"major" groups.  There follows a list of nearly 100 other groups 
- most admittedly small and relatively insignificant - that 
reveal how truly complex and widespread the phenomenon of 
insurgency in the Northeast has become. 
 
Glossary: "Alphabet Soup" by State 
 
Arunachal Pradesh 
 
ADF             Arunachal Dragon Force 
NLFA    National Liberation Front of Arunachal 
UPVA    United People's Volunteers of Arunachal 
 
Assam 
 
AAASS   All Assam Adivasi Suraksha Samiti 
ACMF    Adivasi Cobra Militant Force 
ANCF    Adivasi National Commando Force 
ASF             Adivasi Security Force 
ATF             Assam Tiger Force 
BCF             Birsa Commando Force 
BVYLF   Barak Valley Youth Liberation Force 
BLTF    Bodo Liberation Tiger Force 
BTF             Bengali Tiger Force 
DHD             Dima Halam Daoga 
GNF             Garo National Front 
GTF             Gorkha Tiger Force 
HLAA    Hindu Liberation Army of Assam 
ILAA    Islamic Liberation Army of Assam 
ISS             Islamic Sevak Sangh 
KLO             Kamatapur Liberation Organisation 
KNV             Karbi National Volunteers 
KPF             Karbi People's Front 
KRLO    Koch-Rajbongshi Liberation Organisation 
KRPF    Koch Rajbongshi Protection Force 
MLA             Muslim Liberation Army 
MLF             Muslim Liberation Front 
MLTA    Muslim Liberation Tigers of Assam 
MSCA    Muslim Security Council of Assam 
MSF             Muslim Security Force 
MTF             Muslim Tiger Force 
MULFA   Muslim United Liberation Front of Assam 
MULTA   Muslim United Liberation Tigers of Assam 
MVF             Muslim Volunteer Force 
NDFB    Natinal Democratic Front of Bodoland 
RMC             Revolutionary Muslim Commandos 
RNSF    Rabha National Security Force 
TLAA    Tiwa Liberation Army of Assam 
TNRF    Tiwa National Revolutionary Force 
ULFA    United Liberation Front of Asom 
ULMA    United Liberation Militia of Assam 
UMLFA   United Muslim Liberation Front of Assam 
UPDS    United People's Democratic Solidarity 
 
Manipur 
 
CKRF    Chin Kuki Revolutionary Front 
HPC             Hmar People's Convention 
(Also known as HRF - Hmar Revolutionary Front) 
HPC(D)  Hmar People's Convention (Democratic) 
IKL             Iripak Kanba Lup 
INF             Islamic National Front 
IPRA    Indigenous People's Revolutionary Alliance 
IRF             Islamic Revolutionary Front 
KCP             Kangleipak Communist Party 
KDF             Kuki Defence Force 
KIA             Kuki Independent Army 
KIF             Kuki International Force 
KKK             Kangleipak Kanba Kanglup 
KLF             Kuki Liberation Front 
KLO             Kangleipak Liberation Organisation 
KNA             Kuki National Army 
KNF             Kuki National Front 
KNV             Kuki National Volunteers 
KRF             Kuki Revolutionary Front 
KRPC    Kom Rem People's Convention 
KSF             Kuki Security Force 
KYKL    Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup 
MLTA    Manipur Liberation Tiger Army 
MPA             Manipur People's Army 
MPLF    Manipur People's Liberation Front 
(Unified platform of UNLF, PLA and PREPAK) 
PLA             Peoples' Liberation Army 
PRA             People's Republican Army 
PREPAK  People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak 
PULF    People's United Liberation Front 
RPF             Revolutionary People's Front 
UKLF    United Kuki Liberation Front 
UNLF    United National Liberation Front 
ZRA             Zomi Revolutionary Army 
ZRV             Zomi Revolutionary Volunteers 
 
Meghalaya 
 
ANVC    Achik National Volunteers Council 
HNLC    Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council 
PLF-M   Peoples' Liberation Front of Meghalaya 
 
Mizoram 
 
BNLF    Bru National Liberation Front 
HRF             Hmar Revolutionary Front 
 
Nagaland 
NNC Naga        Nationalist Council 
NSCN (IM) National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) 
NSCN (K)        National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Khaplang) 
 
Tripura 
 
ATLO    All Tripura Liberation Organisation 
ATTF    All Tripura Tiger Force 
BMS             Bangla Mukti Sena 
BNCT    Borok National Council of Tripura 
NLFT    National Liberation Front of Twipra 
TATCF   Tripura Armed Tribal Commando Force 
TCF             Tribal Commando Force 
TLF             Tripura Liberation Force 
TLOF    Tripura Liberation Organisation Front 
TNA             Tripura National Army 
TPDF    Tripura People's Democratic Front 
TSV             Tripura State Volunteers 
 
SIPDIS 
TTDF    Tripura Tribal Democratic Force 
TTVF    Tripura Tribal Volunteer Force 
UBLF    United Bengali Liberation Front 
 
SIBLEY