This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

C O N F I D E N T I A L  SOFIA 000931 
 
SIPDIS 
 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/25/2015 
TAGS: BU PGOV PREL
SUBJECT: THE "KING'S MOVEMENT": BULGARIA'S BEST HOPE? 
 
REF: SOFIA 0808 
 
Classified By: Ambassador James Pardew, reasons 1.5(b) and (d). 
 
¶1. (C) SUMMARY.  Though current polls show it lagging behind 
the Socialists in the June 25 elections, the ruling National 
Movement Simeon II (NMSS) may play an important role in the 
next Bulgarian government -- either as the junior partner in 
a Socialist-led government or the core of a disparate 
center-right coalition. Recent surveys indicate that the 
former King's party is likely to be the second-largest group 
in the next National Assembly, winning between 50 and 70 
seats in the 240-seat Assembly.  Simeon,s intentions are 
currently the most speculated upon element of the campaign 
season. Some analysts believe Simeon could retain his 
position as Prime Minister if the Socialist need his party to 
form a government.  Many NMSS supporters hope they can stop a 
Socialist government by putting together a broad, if 
fractious, center-right coalition. In either case, the NMSS 
would play an important role in continuing Bulgaria's 
pro-U.S. foreign policy.  A successful showing by the NMSS, 
therefore, is in the U.S. interest. END SUMMARY. 
 
-------------------------------- 
NMSS Lagging as Campaign Begins 
--------------------------------- 
 
¶2. (SBU) With the 30-day campaign season officially starting 
May 25, and more than 20 percent of the voters still 
undecided, the outcome of the election remains unpredictable. 
 The latest poll, conducted earlier this month, shows the 
Socialists with 23 percent and the NMSS with 16 percent. 
Under Bulgaria's system of proportional representation, and 
if voter turnout follows the pattern of previous 
post-communist elections, this will give the Socialists (BSP) 
approximately 100 seats in parliament and the NMSS about 60 
seats.  The remaining 80 would be split among the Movement 
for Rights and Freedom (a predominantly Turkish party, 
currently in coalition with the NMSS) and several, dueling 
center-right parties.  The numbers can be combined in several 
ways, but the most crucial issue is whether the Socialists 
will dominate the next government. 
 
¶3. (C) If, as many Bulgarians expect, the Socialists win a 
plurality of seats, the King's party might still be necessary 
for them to form a government.  While ideologically a 
liberal/ center-right party, many leading members of the NMSS 
have close personal connections to the Socialists.  When the 
Movement was first formed in 2001, it drew support almost 
equally from the Left and the Right, and key figures such as 
Finance Minister Milen Velchev and Interior Minister Georgi 
Petkanov have Socialist pedigrees in either their own or 
their family background. Velchev, whose father was a 
Communist Party official, became close friends with current 
Socialist Party leader Sergei Stanishev when the two lived in 
London during the 1990's. 
 
------------------------------ 
The Enigmatic Simeon 
------------------------------ 
 
¶4. (C) Simeon himself is generally viewed as either a 
pragmatist or an opportunist, depending on whom you ask. 
There is little evidence of strongly-held political ideology 
and his decisions -or even the issues he takes interest in- 
are difficult to predict.  The Prime Minister listens to a 
small number of official and unofficial advisors, but appears 
to decide most issues for himself.  Even those high in the 
NMSS structure indicate they have few insights into how Party 
decisions are made. Few, for example, knew in advance who 
would be included on the NMSS election lists. Despite its 
four years in power, the NMSS remains far more a "Movement" 
than a political party.  There is still little party 
organization and Simeon,s (frequently absent) leadership 
style has given substantial power to individual ministers. 
Party discipline is rarely evident, yet Simeon commands great 
personal loyalty and party leaders immediately defer to his 
decisions.  Much of the political class, believe Simeon wants 
badly to serve another term and have difficulty envisioning 
the ex-King as an opposition leader.  For his part, Simeon 
has assured the nation he is here to stay, but remains 
enigmatic about his specific intentions. 
 
¶5. (C) The price of the NMSS' participation in a center-left 
coalition would likely be the Prime Minster's job.  Though it 
would be difficult for their core members to accept, the 
Socialists are desperate to avoid another four years out of 
power.  There are also rumors that parts of the Socialist 
Party would prefer Simeon to BSP leader Sergei Stanishev as 
leader of the next government.  A lack of confidence in the 
39 year-old Stanishev to either control his party or lead a 
successful government regularly fuel reports that he would 
not be the Socialists, first choice.  Many view Simeon -- 
with his hands-off management style -- as an acceptable 
alternative as long as the Socialists get control of key 
 
ministries.  Perhaps the largest unanswered question is 
whether Simeon would allow the NMSS to join a Socialist 
coalition if he were not to be the Prime Minister. 
 
--------------------------------- 
Going Right or Left 
--------------------------------- 
 
 
¶6. (C) A second alternative for the Simeon Movement is a 
center-right government built around an NMSS core in 
coalition with the 3-4 liberal/center-right parties expected 
to meet the 4 percent threshold for entering Parliament. 
While preferable from our perspective, it would also be an 
unstable grouping, already suffering from serious personal 
animosities and problematic egos.  If given the opportunity, 
the NMSS would have to decide which would be easier to manage 
-- ideological differences on the left or personal conflicts 
on the right. Our contacts tell us the King,s Movement would 
prefer to go right, but that will ultimately depend on the 
number of seats captured. Simeon has reportedly instructed 
his party to refrain from any public discussion of a 
Socialist-NMSS coalition fearing it will scare off potential 
right-wing support.  At the same time, political consultants 
working on the campaign have told us Simeon does not want the 
NMSS campaign to attack the Socialists.  Whether this is 
reflective of Simeon,s courteous political nature, or a 
desire to keep his options open is yet to be seen.  (Early 
advertising indicates the Socialists do not share Simeon,s 
compunction and will be launching frontal attacks on his 2001 
promise of "800 days to an improved Bulgaria.") 
 
¶7. (C) Comment: To date, it does not appear Iraq will be an 
important election issue, despite the widespread disapproval 
of Bulgaria,s military participation.  The NMSS effectively 
neutralized the opposition with the decision to withdraw its 
troops at the end of 2005. Absent serious casualties or other 
unpleasant Iraqi news in the run-up to the election, the 
issue may stay in the background. While the current 
government falls short in some important areas -- primarily 
rule of law and transparent business practices - it has been 
a strong supporter of the U.S. internationally and a mostly 
predictable economic player domestically.  An objective 
review of the government,s accomplishment provide a list of 
successes that many politicians would be happy to run on 
--NATO membership, EU Accession Agreement, billions in 
foreign investment, reduced unemployment and a stable 
economy.  But despite the accomplishments, the average 
Bulgarian still focuses on the nation,s low wages, poor 
infrastructure, the deterioration of public health and 
education systems and the seemingly endless transition.  To 
the extent that the NMSS plays a role in the next government, 
it will be a stabilizing one, especially if the Socialists 
emerge as the strongest party after the elections.  The 
larger the combined NMSS, center-right vote, the more likely 
Simeon will stay in power.