This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

221006Z Mar 05

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C O N F I D E N T I A L  HANOI 000685 
 
SIPDIS 
 
 
STATE FOR EAP/BCLTV AND DRL 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/22/2015 
TAGS: PREL PHUM VM HUMANR CVR
SUBJECT: NEW ACTIVIST COMES UNDER POLICE SCRUTINY 
 
REF: A. HO CHI MINH CITY 169 
 
     ¶B. 04 HANOI 3046 
 
Classified By: Consul General Seth Winnick for reason 1.4 (d) 
 
This is a Consulate General Ho Chi Minh City cable 
transferred to Hanoi to transmit on the classified system. 
 
¶1. (C) Summary: Do Nam Hai, better known by his pseudonym of 
Phuong Nam, became known to us as an emerging Vietnamese 
dissident after he posted an open letter in December 2004 
protesting official harassment for advocating peaceful 
democratic change in Vietnam.  Hai has since been fired from 
his job and faces possible arrest. In addition to his calls 
for the end of one-party rule and his association with other 
dissidents, Hai's critique of the GVN's China policy 
triggered tougher police action against him.  Hai's case 
highlights how the internet is offering the Vietnamese 
greater opportunity to exchange political and social views 
under the radar of the Party.  End Summary. 
 
Birth of a Dissident 
-------------------- 
 
¶2. (C) In a series of phone and text-message conversations 
over the past three months, 46-year old Do Nam Hai (strictly 
protect), better known by his pseudonym Phuong Nam, described 
how he has emerged as a budding democracy activist in 
Vietnam.  Hai told us that he began his political activity 
while living in Australia.  Between June 2000 and August 
2001, Hai posted on the internet five essays critical of 
one-party rule using his pseudonym. 
 
¶3. (C) In early 2002, Hai decided to return to Vietnam. He 
had no problem with GVN authorities upon his return.  Hai 
accepted a position as a marketing and customer relations 
expert with Saigon Commercial Joint Stock Bank, a state-owned 
financial institution. Hai told us that once in Vietnam he 
quietly continued his pro-democracy activities via a 
password-protected international email account, which later 
served as an on-line discussion forum for invited 
participants.  He did not post any further pro-democracy 
essays on the Internet until late 2004. 
 
¶4. (C) It appears that Hai was able to operate under the 
police radar until April 2004, when he began to associate 
with known dissidents.  In April, he met with Professor 
Nguyen Thanh Giang (Ref. B), a geophysicist and prominent 
dissident who was arrested in 1998 for possessing documents 
critical of the Communist Party.  Another dissident, Ha Sy 
Phu, introduced the two via the Internet.  They met in Ho Chi 
Minh City and Hanoi. 
 
¶5. (C) Hai believes that after these meetings, the Ministry 
of Public Security (MPS) began to investigate.  This 
scrutiny, he believes, led to his first encounter with the 
police, on August 6, 2004.  Local HCMC police detained Hai 
for 48 hours and questioned him about his political 
activities; somehow police also were able to link Hai to the 
articles he wrote in Australia under his pseudonym.  Police 
took no further action against Hai at that time. 
 
¶6. (C) In October 2004, Hai was interviewed by Radio Free 
Asia, and called for a national referendum on one-party rule 
in Vietnam.  On December 3, HCMC police detained Hai for 24 
hours and forced him to surrender his computer.  On December 
10, 2004, Hai circulated via the Internet an open letter 
protesting his harassment and again calling for a referendum. 
 Hai told us that he used a local HCMC Internet kiosk to 
upload the letter.  Hai refused to meet with ConGenOffs, 
explaining that such a meeting would compromise "the image of 
an independent patriot, acting only in the interests of 
Vietnam."  Hai told us that he believed by going public and 
being completely transparent about his views, authorities 
would view him as less of a threat.  Subsequently, however, 
Hai said that police stepped up pressure both on his family 
and on his employer.  On December 21, the Chairman of SCB 
urged Hai to desist from actions that would cause problems 
with MPS. 
 
¶7. (C) On New Year's Day, 2005, Hai was interviewed by 
"Vietnam New Horizon Radio," which is based in Germany and 
critical of the GVN.  On 18 January, an MPS Colonel ordered 
that Hai present himself at his local police station to 
"scrutinize the contents of his computer."  Hai did not 
comply and instead posted another letter critical of the 
police.  In early February, Hai conducted a written interview 
with the publisher of "SaigonUSA," a bi-weekly newspaper for 
the Viet Kieu community in southern California.  In that 
interview, Hai's criticisms were sharper; he attacked Party 
corruption, and alleged GVN subservience to China in border 
negotiations.  Hai compared GVN officials to historical 
Vietnamese figures who are vilified for colluding with the 
 
Chinese Empire.  Hai told us that at this time he also 
traveled to Hanoi to meet with Hoang Minh Chinh, another 
prominent dissident. 
 
¶8. (C) In late February, Hai was ordered to meet with the 
bank chairman.  The chairman reportedly lambasted Hai for his 
anti-GVN activity, focusing particularly on his anti-China 
statements.  The Chairman told Hai that his recently renewed 
contract had been "withdrawn," and gave Hai two hours to 
clear his desk.  Following his dismissal a young lawyer, with 
whom Hai had corresponded on democracy issues, conveyed a 
police threat that if Hai did not stop his pro-democracy 
activities, the authorities would take stronger action 
against him.  On March 5, Hai conducted another interview 
with Vietnam New Horizon radio, the transcript of which was 
posted on the Internet.  He attacked Vietnam's one-party 
state for its corruption and claimed that the recent release 
of dissidents such as Nguyen Dan Que was a GVN ploy to ease 
international pressure as it seeks WTO accession.  He also 
cited the January 8 maritime border incident between Vietnam 
and China (in which nine Vietnamese fisherman were killed) as 
evidence that the GVN is "very weak at protecting its people 
and territory, yet very strong at oppressing democratic 
voices." 
 
¶9. (C) Comment:  We spoke with Hai on March 10, five days 
after his latest broadside against the Communist Party. 
Police have not yet acted, although he anticipates that 
harsher action against him is imminent.  Hai says he is 
undeterred and says he will continue with his dissident 
activities.  It is noteworthy that Hai's criticism of how 
Vietnam manages its relationship with China, perhaps even 
more than his calls for the end of one-party rule and 
association with known dissidents, triggered intensified 
police action against him. 
 
¶10. (C) From time to time we see glimpses of Vietnamese 
disgruntlement with the extent of official corruption and the 
Party's monopoly on political power.  Vietnamese do grumble, 
but only do so within a trusted circle of friends and family 
to avoid attracting police attention.  Hai's use of the 
Internet highlights how technology is facilitating greater 
exchange of ideas between private Vietnamese.  For example on 
March 10 Hai told us that a college-aged woman from Lam Dong 
Province contacted him after reading his essays on the 
Internet.  She has since had difficulties with police both in 
Hanoi, where she went to visit with other prominent 
dissidents, and in her hometown in Lam Dong Province.  End 
comment. 
Boardman 
 
 
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