This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 08 BUENOS AIRES 000141 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE FOR WHA/FO, WHA/BSC, WHA/EPSC, USOAS, PM, AND INR/RA 

NSC FOR TOM SHANNON, KIM BRIER, NILMINI GUNARATNE, DEL 

RENIGAR 

TREASURY FOR DAS NANCY LEE AND CHRIS KUSHLIS AND 

USCINCSO FOR POLAD 

PASS USTR FOR PETER ALLGEIER AND SUE CRONIN 

 

E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/15/2014 

TAGS: PGOV PREL AR

SUBJECT: ARGENTINA: KIRCHNER'S INNER CIRCLE 

 

 

Classified By: Ambassador Lino Gutierrez for Reasons 1.4 (B) and (D) 

 

------------------------ 

Summary and Introduction 

------------------------ 

 

¶1. (C) This cable takes an in-depth look at President Nestor 

Kirchner's closest advisors.  It is based on interviews with 

the Ambassador, DCM, and other Embassy Officers who have met 

with members of Kirchner's inner circle, numerous discussions 

with Embassy contacts in the Argentine political 

establishment, as well as biographies and press articles 

written about Kirchner's key associates.  The goal is to 

provide Washington with a better understanding of the 

individuals with the most influence over President Kirchner. 

 

 

¶2. (C) Since coming to office in May 2003, President Kirchner 

has largely relied on a handful of individuals -- most of 

whom he brought with him from Santa Cruz province -- to help 

him make his most important decisions.  Others outside of 

this inner circle have an important role in advising Kirchner 

on specific issues, such as Minister of the Economy Roberto 

Lavagna on the debt exchange.  However, these individuals are 

not part of Kirchner's circle of trust and are not included 

in major policy discussions outside of their area of 

expertise. 

 

¶3. (C) Those identified by all sources as being in Kirchner's 

inner circle are his wife Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner; 

Secretary for Legal and Technical Affairs Carlos Zannini; 

 

SIPDIS 

Santa Cruz Governor Sergio Acevedo; Minister of Federal 

Planning, Public Infrastructure and Services Julio De Vido; 

Cabinet Chief Alberto Fernandez; and Secretary General of the 

Presidency Oscar Parrilli.  There are numerous other personal 

confidants of Kirchner, such as Presidential Spokesman Miguel 

Nunez, who have a long history of close friendship with 

Kirchner and may well have influence over his decision-making 

from time to time.  Post has focused this cable on those who 

Kirchner seeks daily advice from on policy decisions and 

long-term political and economic strategy. 

 

¶4. (C) The members of Kirchner's inner circle are very 

hard-working, loyal, and committed first to President 

Kirchner above any personal ambition.  Most have a connection 

to Patagonia and a personal relationship with Kirchner that 

stretches back years.  The majority of them are 

left-of-center politically, although Alberto Fernandez and 

Oscar Parrilli are exceptions to this rule.  Most lack a 

depth of expertise in politics beyond the provincial level 

and have been learning the ropes of international relations 

and national politics at the same time as Kirchner.  The 

primary thing that Kirchner demands from his close advisors 

is loyalty and it is their proven loyalty, rather than their 

competence, that brought them into Kirchner's inner circle. 

End Summary and Introduction. 

 

------------------------------------------- 

Cristina Kirchner: Two for the Price of One 

------------------------------------------- 

 

¶5. (C) Cristina is President Kirchner's most valued advisor 

on most issues, functioning as his close confidant and 

political partner for the last 30 years.  Cristina Kirchner 

has been the main person to energize and motivate her husband 

throughout his political career, especially during difficult 

times.  She also has great influence in determining who is 

and is not in the inner circle. President Kirchner has great 

respect for her political judgment.  A businessman who is 

close to President Kirchner recently told the Ambassador that 

then-Governor Kirchner originally accepted former President 

Eduardo Duhalde's offer to be Duhalde's chief of staff in 

¶2002.  After discussing it overnight with Cristina, who felt 

it was a bad political move, Kirchner called Duhalde back the 

next day and turned it down.  Although Kirchner frequently 

seeks his wife's political advice, long-time Kirchner 

associate Luis Corsiglia reported to POLOFF that President 

Kirchner generally does not seek her advice on economic 

issues.  He tends instead to consult with his key economic 

advisors De Vido and Lavagna on matters related to the 

economy. 

¶6. (C) Cristina enjoys traveling to the United States and has 

been described as having a positive view of the U.S. 

However, she has never learned English because, as she 

explained in a recent speech at Berkeley University, she ""is 

part of a generation in which learning English was seen 

almost as a defect because of the  Yankees go home, 

attitude prevalent at the time.""  Cristina was the main 

instigator for her husband's first trips to the United States 

(to Miami and New York), where she introduced him to her 

extensive contacts in the Democratic Party and the academic 

and think tank communities.  She also keeps in close touch 

with former President Carter and the Carter Foundation. 

 

¶7. (C) Cristina Kirchner has told the Ambassador that she is 

always available to meet with him and take on issues of 

importance to the U.S.  At the Ambassador's suggestion, 

Cristina met with President Carter at the Carter Center 

during a visit to Atlanta to discuss the political crisis in 

Venezuela.  As a result of her visit, Cristina played a 

proactive role in encouraging President Kirchner to press 

Venezuelan President Chavez to hold the Recall Referendum and 

to meet with members of the opposition Democratic 

Coordinating Group during his two visits in 2004 to Caracas. 

Cristina has also conditioned any potential visit to Cuba on 

being able to bring Hilda Molina back with her and meet with 

the wives of jailed dissidents. 

 

¶8. (C) Cristina is a force in her own right, working 

tirelessly as a senator from Santa Cruz with ambitions of 

becoming a senator from the politically most important 

province of Buenos Aires in 2005.  She is not shy about 

expressing her views in the Senate.  Her biographer Jose 

Angel Di Mauro describes her as being a poor negotiator, 

preferring instead to use a confrontational style with her 

political opponents.  She has publicly clashed with many 

political figures, including Elisa Carrio, Hilda ""Chiche"" 

Duhalde, and Vice President Daniel Scioli on the floor of the 

Senate.  Di Mauro reports that President Kirchner has 

frequently made use of this personality trait to let 

Christina play the role of ""bad cop"" in political conflicts, 

allowing President Kirchner to act more conciliatory.  She is 

said to never attend meetings of the Peronist Party (PJ) bloc 

of Senators, instead relying on her allies in the bloc Miguel 

Pichetto and Nicolas Fernandez to get the other PJ senators 

to toe the Kirchner line. 

 

¶9. (C) Cristina Kirchner was born in 1956 in La Plata in the 

province of Buenos Aires.  Cristina met Nestor Kirchner while 

they were both studying law at the Universidad Nacional de La 

Plata and they were married in 1975.  The Kirchners have two 

children.  Cristina was first elected as a Deputy to the 

Santa Cruz Provincial Legislature in 1989.  She was elected 

in 1995 as a National Senator for Santa Cruz, but was forced 

to leave the Senate to become a National Deputy in 1997 due 

to conflicts with the PJ bloc leadership.  In 2001 Cristina 

Kirchner was again elected to a National Senate seat for 

Santa Cruz, which she continues to hold.  She is reportedly 

very particular about her appearance, spending thousands of 

dollars every year on the latest fashion and having silicone 

injections on her face and hair extensions to make her appear 

younger. 

 

-------------------------------- 

Carlos Zannini: The Strategy Man 

-------------------------------- 

 

¶10. (C) Carlos Zannini, the Secretary for Legal and Technical 

Affairs, is Kirchner's most trusted official and is the main 

person that conceptualizes and plans the strategies for 

Kirchner.  Kirchner seeks Zannini's advice on every decision 

he makes.  Zannini lacks experience in international 

relations and managing national politics in Buenos Aires, so 

he is at a disadvantage when he attempts to guide Kirchner on 

foreign relations and sophisticated national political 

issues.  By most accounts, Zannini is honest by Argentine 

standards. 

 

¶11. (C) Since accepting his current position in May 2003, 

Zannini has taken part in all relevant meetings where 

presidential decisions are made and is one of the few 

associates that the Kirchners regularly invite to their 

Saturday coffee sessions at the Quinta de Olivos to discuss 

tactics and strategy.  Zannini reviews and signs off on every 

major piece of legislation and Kirchner Administration policy 

initiative, including providing clearance on draft texts of 

IMF agreements, which he discusses with Kirchner in meetings 

at the Casa Rosada that sometimes go to midnight.  Carlos 

Zannini is also very close to Cristina Kirchner, with whom he 

speaks with at least two or three times a day to give her 

legal and political advice, according to the leading weekly 

magazine Noticias. 

 

¶12. (C) Zannini plays a moderating influence on Kirchner on 

economic issues.  He shares Kirchner's obsession with 

balanced budgets and fiscal orthodoxy.  POLOFFS who have meet 

Zannini describe him as fiercely loyal to Kirchner and 

unwilling to express views of his own.  He is readily 

accessible to meetings with the Ambassador and DCM.  In 

person he is amicable and engaging.  He has a way of putting 

his visitors at ease, even when he disagrees with them.  He 

reportedly regularly works 16-hour days.  Zannini told DCM 

and POLOFF in a recent meeting that he cut his Christmas 

vacation short in Rio Gallegos in order to get back to work 

in Buenos Aires. 

 

¶13. (C) A well-known lawyer in Santa Cruz, Zannini served as 

a member of Kirchner's provincial cabinet when Kirchner was 

governor.  Those close to Zannini often refer to him by his 

nickname ""El Chino,"" which is a reference to his years as a 

Maoist activist in his youth.  He spent three years in prison 

for his political activities between 1976 and 1979.  Carlos 

Zannini was born in Cordoba in 1954, but moved to Santa Cruz 

in 1984 on the advice of friends.  In 1995 Zannini was 

elected as a Provincial Congressman, serving after his 

reelection in 1999 as the President of the PJ bloc.  He 

resigned his seat in 2001 to accept a position on the 

Provincial Supreme Court and with Kirchner's help he became 

the president of the Court only 20 days later.  He is married 

to a fellow lawyer, who works as a Cabinet Advisor in the 

Provincial Government of Santa Cruz, and with whom he has 

four children. 

 

------------------------------------- 

Sergio Acevedo: Kirchner's Rear Guard 

------------------------------------- 

 

¶14. (C) Sergio Acevedo, the Governor of Santa Cruz and former 

head of the intelligence service SIDE, acts as a 

trouble-shooter for the Kirchners and protects their 

interests in their home province.  The Kirchners chose 

Acevedo to be the one to publicly defend Cristina when she 

and Hilda ""Chiche"" Duhalde clashed early in 2004 in a 

fractious, Peronist Party convention.  President Kirchner 

also sent Acevedo, together with Alberto Fernandez, to the 

Ambassador's residence in May 2004 to get a clarification 

when some of A/S Noriega's comments were misconstrued in the 

Argentine press.  Kirchner sent Acevedo to the U.S. last 

December to meet with senior U.S. officials ahead of Foreign 

Minister Bielsa's trip to Washington to ensure Kirchner's 

message of pragmatism and desiring better relations was 

properly delivered.  In his current role as governor, Sergio 

Acevedo gives Kirchner the ability to continue to control the 

politics of Santa Cruz while he focuses on national political 

issues in Buenos Aires. 

 

¶15. (C) Acevedo is the idealist of the inner circle and the 

only close advisor of President Kirchner who reportedly will 

tell him things that Kirchner does not want to hear.  It is 

reported that Acevedo will always give the President his 

frank opinion, but will close ranks behind him even when 

Acevedo disagrees with Kirchner's decisions.  For example, 

Acevedo has long urged the repatriation of the province's 

funds that Kirchner sent abroad in 2001, but his loyalty to 

the President prevents him from publicly challenging Kirchner 

on the issue. 

 

¶16. (C) Despite his left-wing antecedents, Acevedo professes 

to be pro-American.  Before Kirchner's election as President, 

Acevedo had little foreign policy experience or exposure to 

the U.S.  However, Acevedo seems to have been a driving force 

in the Kirchner administration for better ties with the 

United States.  The Embassy worked closely with him on 

counter terrorism during his time in SIDE.  Later when he 

became governor, he invited the DCM to travel to Santa Cruz 

to meet with him and his key officials and has actively 

sought U.S. investment capital to develop his province's 

hydrocarbon and mining resources. 

 

¶17. (C) Acevedo wants to attract U.S. investors and supports 

free trade with the United States.  He has repeatedly told 

EMBOFFS that he thinks U.S. companies come to compete 

honestly in Argentina, while he lambastes the unfair business 

practices of many European companies, especially those from 

Spain.  He has generally supported U.S. oil companies 

operating in Santa Cruz facing strong pressure from labor and 

piquetero groups.  He has indicated to EMBOFFS that he 

supports the FTAA and thinks Chile has benefited from its 

free-trade agreement with the United States.  Acevedo even 

attempted to find a way to ""grandfather"" Santa Cruz and the 

other Patagonian provinces into the Chile FTA.  Acevedo is 

also a strong proponent of an Open Skies Agreement allowing 

for unrestricted air routes of foreign commercial carriers to 

Santa Cruz as a way to develop tourism. 

 

¶18. (C) Sergio Acevedo was born in Chubut in 1956, but has 

spent almost his entire life in Santa Cruz.  He began his 

political career as mayor of the small hamlet of Pico 

Truncado in Santa Cruz in 1983, later becoming a provincial 

deputy in 1991.  He served as a national deputy for Santa 

Cruz between 1995 and 1999, returning then to be Kirchner's 

vice governor until 2001 when he again became a national 

deputy.  In May 2003 he was appointed the director of the 

national intelligence service SIDE before returning to Santa 

Cruz at Kirchner's request to run for governor in October 

¶2003.  After winning the elections, he assumed office in 

December 2003.  He is divorced and has three sons. 

 

--------------------------------------------- - 

Julio De Vido: Infrastructure and Project Czar 

--------------------------------------------- - 

 

¶19. (C) Julio De Vido has been the main person managing 

Kirchner's public works and procurement programs for the past 

decade and a half and functions as one of his most important 

economic advisors.  He is a long-time collaborator and 

confidant of President Kirchner, dating back to Kirchner's 

first forays into politics in Rio Gallegos in the 1980s. 

President Kirchner appointed De Vido as the Minister of 

Federal Planning, Public Infrastructure and Services in May 

¶2003.  De Vido manages Argentina's substantial public works 

program and is jointly responsible with Minister of the 

Economy Lavagna for the renegotiation of the nation's public 

service contracts.  Minister De Vido is responsible for the 

management of over 30 billion pesos (USD 10 billion) per year 

and has under his jurisdiction five secretariats, ten under 

secretariats, eight regulatory agencies, the Yacyreta 

 

SIPDIS 

Binational Entity, the Salta Binational Entity, the Atomic 

Energy Committee, and the control of all matters related to 

government procurement. 

 

¶20. (C) De Vido is the member of Kirchner's inner circle most 

likely to push him to expand the role of the state in the 

economy, which he sees as providing the most opportunities 

for national and personal gain.  De Vido's influence over 

economic policy now rivals that of Minister Lavagna, who had 

unchallenged authority over economic issues during the 

Duhalde administration.  Kirchner biographers Valeria Garrone 

and Laura Rocha report that Kirchner is using De Vido's 

expanded role in the economy to blunt Lavagna's political 

ambitions by reducing Lavagna's prominence and share of the 

credit for the improving economic situation. 

 

¶21. (C) De Vido is described as a traditional, left-wing 

Peronist, although Senior Embassy Officers report that he has 

gone out of his way to maintain good relations with the U.S. 

De Vido has attended four ""sectoral"" dinners at the 

Ambassador's Residence to meet with U.S. investors.  De Vido 

has been very careful to not publicly criticize the U.S. 

When De Vido traveled to Washington, he eagerly changed his 

schedule at the Ambassador's suggestion to meet with U/S 

Larson.  De Vido has been very forthcoming in discussions 

with the Ambassador about the concerns of U.S. companies 

operating in Argentina.  He has repeatedly stated that he 

prefers the presence of U.S. companies because of their 

honesty, managerial excellence, and technological edge. 

 

¶22. (C) De Vido has been uniformly friendly in his contacts 

with Embassy Officers, visiting USG officials and many U.S. 

executives, but has been known to lose his temper in dealing 

with some European government officials.  In July 2003, he 

sharply told the press that if visiting French Minister of 

Economy Francis Mer was coming to talk to him only about the 

renegotiation of public service contracts for French 

companies (in this case a tariff increase for 40 percent 

Suez-owned Aguas Argentinas), he would refuse to meet with 

him.  The main reason for the different attitude toward U.S. 

and European visitors is that the U.S. public and private 

sector visitors have generally come to him in private to 

discuss common concerns, while the European visitors have 

gone to the press to advance the interests of individual 

companies. 

 

¶23. (C) De Vido's relationship with Kirchner is described as 

being close, but not having the same level of trust as 

Kirchner's relationship with Cristina, Zannini, or Acevedo. 

Kirchner respects De Vido's intellect and organizational 

ability, but knows that De Vido, if anyone, is the one that 

has the most dirt on him.  When Kirchner was hospitalized 

briefly in April 2004, De Vido was not on the list of those 

allowed to visit him in the emergency room, which was limited 

to his wife, Zannini, and Acevedo.  Nevertheless, De Vido is 

frequently on call to participate in visits to the provinces 

and sit in on meetings in the Casa Rosada.  He once told the 

Ambassador that he preferred to come to a dinner, rather than 

a lunch, because he never knew if he would have to cancel at 

the last minute to attend a meeting at the Casa Rosada.  De 

Vido is in constant contact with Kirchner by cell phone.  The 

Ambassador's and other visiting USG officials' meetings and 

dinners with De Vido have often been interrupted by a cell 

phone call from Kirchner.  Kirchner usually takes advantage 

of these occasions to send greetings to De Vido's hosts 

and/or guests. 

 

¶24. (C) Since his days in Kirchner's Santa Cruz government, 

Julio De Vido has been dogged by allegations of corruption, 

although none of these have been proven.  One of De Vido's 

main functions during his time in Kirchner's provincial 

government was managing the province's large public works 

program, Cuatrienal, which the political opposition later 

accused of corruption in its awarding of public contracts. 

De Vido is currently under investigation by Federal Judge 

Jorge Urso for irregularities with the renegotiation of a 

public service contract with Aguas Argentinas, the purchase 

of locomotives, and with the awarding of a contract to build 

a gas pipeline in the northwest part of the country.  His son 

Facundo served as his private secretary until a government 

internal security source informed Kirchner that Facundo was 

taking bribes from private companies in exchange for 

arranging appointments with his father.  Kirchner told De 

Vido to remove Facundo and Facundo is now a travel guide in 

Santa Cruz Province. 

 

¶25. (C) Julio De Vido was born in Buenos Aires in 1949 and 

was trained as an architect at the University of Buenos 

Aires.  He began work as a draftsman at ENTEL, the state 

telephone company, in 1974.  He later was promoted to 

supervisor, but then was exiled to manage ENTEL works in 

Patagonia by the military government in 1976.  He resigned 

from ENTEL in 1982 and moved to Rio Gallegos to work for a 

private company.  There was a Peronist Party office across 

the street from his new home where he first met Kirchner and 

established the political partnership that took him to 

national prominence.  When Kirchner became mayor of Rio 

Gallegos in 1988, he appointed De Vido to be the Director 

General of Public Works at the Santa Cruz Institute of Urban 

Development and Housing and in 1991 as the head of the 

Provincial Highway Bureau.  In 1991, Governor Kirchner 

appointed him as Minister of Economy and Public Works, and in 

1999 as Minister of Government.  De Vido was a key campaign 

organizer and the chief fund-raiser for Kirchner's 2003 

presidential campaign.  He is married and has five children. 

 

 

--------------------------------------------- - 

Alberto Fernandez: Kirchner's ""Prime Minister"" 

--------------------------------------------- - 

 

¶26. (C) Cabinet Chief Alberto Fernandez is Kirchner's main 

advisor on Buenos Aires politics and on the workings of the 

national PJ party structure.  Kirchner values Alberto 

Fernandez's analysis of people, frequently seeking his advice 

on how to work with a given political figure.  Kirchner uses 

Fernandez as one of his key people to work behind the scenes 

to accomplish his national political goals.  Fernandez is 

present at all important meetings.  Fernandez is the one 

member of Kirchner's inner circle who really understands the 

workings of the PJ at a national level.  He also has an 

intricate knowledge of the workings of the Argentine 

Congress, and understands how the Buenos Aires provincial and 

city party mechanics operate and can be influenced.  As such, 

he is Kirchner's ""real world"" front-line political operator 

that can make things happen. 

 

¶27. (C) Alberto Fernandez lacks the personal history, 

connection to Patagonia, and ideological affinity with 

Kirchner that others in the inner circle have.  He was 

associated with former President Carlos Menem in the past and 

comes from a center-right political background.  He is a 

conservative on economics and is the member of the inner 

circle most likely to encourage President Kirchner to 

maintain neo-liberal economic policies. 

 

¶28. (C) Fernandez has become one of Kirchner's close advisors 

through his proven loyalty and tireless work over the past 

few years.  A Senior Embassy Officer compared Alberto 

Fernandez to Leon Panetta, who entered the Clinton 

administration as a hired gun, but grew to become one of 

Clinton's most trusted advisors.  Alberto Fernandez may not 

be trusted as much as other members of the inner circle, but 

Kirchner appreciates the fact the Fernandez lacks the 

presidential ambitions of other officials like Minister 

Lavagna.  Kirchner frequently calls on Fernandez to keep the 

other ministers in line.  Senior Embassy Officers describe 

Alberto Fernandez as being fairly low-key, content to operate 

in the background while the Kirchners and other advisors take 

more of the spotlight. 

 

¶29. (C) Alberto Fernandez was born in Buenos Aires in 1959. 

He received his law degree from the University of Buenos 

Aires in 1983.  In 1985 he became Records Director for 

Juridical Affairs at the Ministry of the Economy and was 

later promoted to Deputy Director.  In 1989 he was appointed 

as the Insurance Superintendent of the Nation.  He served as 

the Vice President of Grupo BAPRO between 1996 and 2000, 

where he was responsible for the development of companies 

associated with the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires. 

Fernandez was also an Assistant Professor of Penal Law at the 

University of Buenos Aires Law School.  In June 2000 he 

became a legislator of the City of Buenos Aires for the PJ, 

serving in this capacity until accepting his current position 

in Kirchner's cabinet in May 2003.  He served as Kirchner's 

presidential campaign manager.  He is married, but separated 

from his wife, and has one son. 

 

------------------------------- 

Oscar Parrilli: The Door Keeper 

------------------------------- 

 

¶30. (C) In his current position as Secretary General of the 

Presidency (Casa Rosada Chief of Staff), Oscar Parrilli 

controls President Kirchner's schedule.  Senior Embassy 

Officers report that Kirchner does not generally seek 

Parrilli's advice on policy matters, as Kirchner does not 

have a great respect for his intellect.  However, Parrilli is 

present at almost every major policy meeting that Kirchner 

attends.  Kirchner does value Parrilli's organizational 

skills and his ability to bring harmony to the Casa Rosada 

staff.  Parrilli is the go-to person for Kirchner on key 

issues like his personal security and managing presidential 

travel, including the presidential aircraft Tango 01. 

Parrilli is also a person with whom Kirchner can vent his 

frustrations.  Parrilli does not have a connection to Santa 

Cruz, but his long history of activism in PJ politics in the 

Patagonian province of Neuquen gives him a natural affinity 

with Kirchner. 

 

¶31. (C) The one policy issue that Kirchner has entrusted to 

Parrilli is relations with the piqueteros.  Parrilli 

regularly meets with Raul Castells and other piquetero 

leaders to try to advance Kirchner's agenda of keeping the 

movement under control.  Kirchner has also used Parrilli to 

attempt to draw more moderate piquetero elements into 

Kirchner's Transversal political movement.  Kirchner gave 

Parrilli the piquetero issue because Kirchner recognized that 

Parrilli's mild temperament would help him manage the 

often-volatile relations between the Casa Rosada and the 

protest movement. 

 

¶32. (C) In meetings with Embassy officers, Parrilli is 

positive and engaging.  The Ambassador and DCM maintain close 

lines of communication with him and have the ability to make 

an appointment with Parrilli at any time to discuss any 

issue.  Senior Embassy Officers describe Parrilli as a 

centrist politically.  Parrilli is reportedly not good at 

managing his own schedule, which compounds Kirchner's natural 

tendency to be late to meetings. 

 

¶33. (C) Oscar Parrilli was born in 1951 in San Martin de los 

Andes in Neuquen province.  He is an attorney by training, 

receiving his law degree from the University of Buenos Aires 

in 1976.  Kirchner and Parrilli first met and became friends 

in the 1970s when both were active in Peronist politics in 

Patagonia.  Parrilli first held political office as a 

provincial PJ legislator in Neuquen in 1983, serving in this 

capacity until 1987.  In 1989 he was elected as a National 

Deputy.  He unsuccessfully ran for Neuquen governor in 1991 

and then left politics for a private law practice when his 

term as National Deputy ended in 1993.  In 1998 he joined the 

Grupo Calafate, an alternative movement of Peronist activists 

opposed to the national PJ party structure dominated by 

former President Carlos Menem.  Parrilli worked diligently on 

Kirchner's presidential bid and was appointed to his current 

position when Kirchner assumed office in May 2003.  He is 

married and has four children. 

 

------- 

Comment 

------- 

 

¶34. (C) Kirchner's refusal to hold cabinet meetings and 

preference for making policy decisions with a handful of key 

advisors makes understanding his inner circle of confidants 

crucial to comprehending and predicting Argentina's policy 

directions.  Each member of Kirchner's inner circle of 

advisors provides their particular expertise, but for 

Kirchner the most important thing they offer him is their 

unswerving loyalty.  All sources emphasize that ultimately, 

after taking in the advice of those important to him, 

Kirchner makes all of the decisions himself.  Kirchner has 

developed a much greater network of informal advisors than 

when he first entered office and he has numerous competent 

officials to utilize for policy advice.  However, in the end, 

the real decision-making in Argentina is made at the Saturday 

afternoon coffees at the Quinta Olivos where Kirchner and his 

wife meet with a few long-time intimates. 

 

¶35. (C) The political background of most of Kirchner's inner 

circle gives some of them a tendency to mistrust U.S. 

policies.  In fact, Kirchner vowed to end ""carnal relations"" 

with the U.S. during his 2003 campaign for the Presidency. 

Nonetheless, Kirchner and his inner circle recognize the 

importance of a positive relationship with the U.S and have 

given the Ambassador and Senior Embassy Officers an open door 

to meet with them to discuss issues.  The inner circle 

members are careful to not be seen as being too close to the 

U.S. in public, but at the same time they carefully avoid 

publicly criticizing the U.S.  The Embassy maintains a 

positive dialogue with them in private.  Post will continue 

to engage these individuals, providing an excellent 

opportunity to act as a positive influence on Kirchner and 

Argentine policy. 

 

GUTIERREZ 


=======================CABLE ENDS============================