This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 HARARE 002455 
 
SIPDIS 
 
NSC FOR SENIOR AFRICA DIRECTOR J. FRAZER & D. TITLEBAUM 
LONDON FOR C. GURNEY 
PARIS FOR C. NEARY 
NAIROBI FOR T. PFLAUMER 
 
SENSITIVE 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV ECON PHUM SOCI ZI MDC
SUBJECT: MDC CONSOLIDATES PLATFORM AT ANNUAL CONFERENCE 
 
 
SENSITIVE BUT UNCLASSIFIED. NOT FOR INTERNET POSTING. 
PROTECT ACCORDINGLY. 
 
  ¶1.   (SBU) SUMMARY: Under the firm leadership of Party 
      President Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC's national conference 
      in Harare December 20-21 yielded a comprehensive policy 
      platform and "blueprint" for national recovery.  The party 
      reiterated its commitment to unconditional talks with the 
      ruling party but confirmed plans to use mass action in 2004 
      even as the parties talked.  Party statements were 
      supportive of South African President Mbeki's efforts to 
      facilitate dialogue.  The party and civil society groups 
      undertook to coordinate on shared objectives in their 
      contentious relations with the state.  END SUMMARY 
 
Party Exhibits Organizational Skills 
------------------------------------ 
 
  ¶2.   (SBU) Built on the theme "Courage and Hope Overcome 
      Fear", the party conference brought together roughly 1,000 
      delegates from all over the country.  Presiding over the 
      event were Chairman Isaac Matongo, President Morgan 
      Tsvangirai, Secretary-General Welshman Ncube, Deputy 
      Secretary General Gift Chimanakire, and Treasurer Fletcher 
      Dhulini Ncube (attending to his ill wife, Vice-President 
      Gibson Sibanda was the only of the party's six senior 
      figures absent).  According to Shadow Minister for Justice 
      and Constitutional Affairs David Coltart, the Harare event 
      was considerably more organized than the party's last 
      national conference, held in Gweru in 2000.  Aside from 
      audio problems that severely distorted the first five 
      minutes of the President's keynote address, the event 
      proceeded with few hitches and wrapped up ahead of schedule 
      on Sunday afternoon in order to permit the early departure 
      of delegates with long distances to travel. 
 
  ¶3.   (SBU) The party circulated a host of papers, including 
      a "National Council Report", "Values, Goals and Policies of 
      the MDC", "The Current Crisis in Zimbabwe and the MDC's 
      Views on the Way Forward: The Blueprint", and a working 
      draft of "From Crisis to Democratic Human-Centered 
      Development: Programs of the MDC" (including elaboration of 
      the party's "RESTART" economic program, a final version of 
      which was not circulated).  (The Embassy has e-mailed the 
      papers to AF/S.)  Developed over the past year largely under 
      the direction of party's Secretary for Policy and Research 
      Trudy Stevenson, the papers flesh out the party's policies 
      on the economy, land reform, mining, industry/trade, 
      tourism, environment, infrastructure, energy, transport, 
      communications, water, labor, health/HIV/AIDS, education, 
      justice, local government, defense, youth, and international 
      affairs. 
 
Land Reform 
----------- 
 
  ¶4.   (SBU) Particularly noteworthy were the party statements 
      on land reform, the ruling party's central issue.  The party 
      reiterated that it would accept neither the status quo, nor 
      the status quo ante. Stressing the centrality of tenure 
      security and property rights, Tsvangirai pledged to "abolish 
      the dual agrarian structure" by extending the use of title 
      deeds in communal areas.  In keeping with earlier 
      descriptions of the party's approach to land reform, he 
      articulated an approach involving an audit by a Land 
      Commission, leading to rationalization of land allocation. 
 
Anticipating Broad Alliance 
--------------------------- 
 
  ¶5.   (SBU) Among the themes stressed by President 
      Tsvangirai's keynote address (e-mailed to AF/S) was the need 
      for a broad alliance across organizations and communities to 
      undergird any future mass action.  Civil society 
      representatives from the National Constitutional Assembly, 
      the Zimbabwe Conference of Trade Unions, and others issuing 
      statements to the gathering in open session played to this 
      theme, expressing solidarity with the party's efforts to 
      restore the nation but stressing the need to coordinate and 
      consult with civil society.  Tsvangirai reiterated the 
      importance of engagement and unity with "the people" in his 
      closing remarks.  He and other speakers emphasized the 
      party's commitment to unconditional dialogue with ZANU-PF 
      but reserved the option of mass action to press the ruling 
      party to the table.  In his closing press conference, 
      Tsvangirai elaborated that the party would employ "civil 
      disobedience, demonstrations, stay always, and boycotts of 
      businesses." 
 
Encouragement of International Efforts 
-------------------------------------- 
 
  ¶6.   (SBU) Tsvangirai's keynote address and several policy 
      papers highlighted the importance of international 
      engagement in effecting dialogue.  Tsvangirai highlighted 
      events at the recent CHOGM in Abuja as vindicating the MDC. 
      He encouraged efforts by South African President Mbeki and 
      Nigerian President Obasanjo to bring ZANU-PF to the table. 
      Going beyond his printed text, Tsvangirai elaborated briefly 
      on Mugabe's betrayal of Mbeki and stressed the party's 
      willingness to work with Mbeki. 
Transparency Showcased in Word, Deed 
--------------------------------------------- ------------ 
 
  ¶7.   (SBU) Speakers repeatedly stressed the party's core 
      values and how they differed in concept and practice from 
      ZANU-PF's.  The delegates were constantly reminded that the 
      MDC was a party that stood on principle and the leadership 
      asserted that it would not tolerate within the party tactics 
      employed by the ruling party.  Tsvangirai vowed to install a 
      culture that encouraged debate and discussion at every 
      level.  He put these words into action when the national 
      council report was presented.  Soon after it was read, one 
      of the delegates stood up to adopt it.  Tsvangirai said, 
      "Not so fast.  We are here to debate this and not to rubber 
      stamp it."  A four-hour discussion ensued as delegates went 
      from paragraph to paragraph through the entire report. 
 
  ¶8.   (SBU) Tsvangirai told the conference that the MDC was 
      committed to "not merely replacing the elites in ZANU-PF 
      with new ones from MDC but to installing a completely new 
      political culture."  On many occasions he referred to the 
      party's commitment to good government, a tolerant society, a 
      multi-party political culture, and a place where human 
      rights are observed and respected.   When the time came for 
      the election of a new national executive, Tsvangirai 
      castigated the party at length about a rumored vote-buying 
      scheme and warned that anyone distributing money would be 
      disqualified. 
 
  ¶9.   (SBU) According to suspended Harare councilor Maiamba 
      and Innocent Chigonda, Tsvangirai's lawyer in the treason 
      trial, Shadow Finance Minister Tapiwa Mashakada and Harare 
      Mayor Elias Mudzuri were those involved in the the vote- 
      buying scheme publicly addressed by Tsvangirai.  Mashakada 
      also passed around a pamphlet that attacked Renson Gasella, 
      who ended up winning the seat, by accusing him of being 
      responsible for Tsvangirai's treason trial.  In the end, 
      Mudzuri withdrew from the election and threw his support 
      behind Mashakada.  After Tsvangirai's reprimand, however, 
      Mashakada lost 7-4 (one vote per province) to Gasella.  Mrs. 
      Chitsa and Kabela Macheba also ran but received no votes. 
 
Gender Tension 
-------------- 
 
  ¶10.  (SBU) Tsvangirai stressed the importance of equal 
      opportunity for women in the party on numerous occasions in 
      his opening speech and throughout deliberations.  On the 
      last day, however, when voting took place for a vacant seat 
      on the national executive, the woman candidate received no 
      votes.  Lucia Matabenga, the head of the women's assembly, 
      declared to the conference "Come general elections it will 
      be the same thing.  All men and no women.  There is no place 
      in the MDC for gender equity.  By block voting by province, 
      the women are disenfranchised.  Shame on you, MDC." 
      Tsvangirai responded that they would consider this in the 
      next election, and after the meeting indicated that the 
      party would have to develop a mechanism to include women 
      more meaningfully. 
 
  Comment 
  ------- 
 
  ¶11.  (SBU) Like the ZANU-PF party conference that preceded 
      it by two weeks, the MDC event featured its share of 
      energetic presentations, singing, slogan-chanting, and 
      varying levels of enthusiasm among the membership.  While 
      the MDC affair generally seemed more spontaneous than the 
      ZANU-PF exercise, both suffered from a palpable sense of 
      frustration and powerlessness in the face of the country's 
      political stalemate.  A question posed to poloff by one of 
      the party faithful at the conference's conclusion testified 
      to an underlying drift from politics in Zimbabwe: "How can I 
      emigrate to the United States?" 
 
  ¶12.  (SBU) This conference's inclusive debating process and 
      value-oriented voting process highlighted stark differences 
      in MDC and ZANU-PF political cultures -- and therein lies 
      the rub.  For all of its often impressive exposition of 
      issues and diagnoses for Zimbabwe's myriad crises, the MDC 
      remains fundamentally challenged by the environment of 
      stalemate here.  How does an opposition party committed to 
      non-violence and rule-of-law play ball with a ruling party 
      impervious to domestic and international opprobrium and the 
      increasing suffering of its populace?  How can an opposition 
      party energize an intimidated or apathetic populace that is 
      increasingly absorbed with the daily challenge of making 
      ends meet?  Going into 2004, the party's response to these 
      questions appears to lie largely in enhanced coordination 
      with civil society and more sustained effort by the 
      international community. 
   SULLIVAN