This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 COLOMBO 001253 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPARTMENT FOR SA, SA/INS, S/CT, NEA 
NSC FOR E. MILLARD 
 
E.O. 12958:  DECL:  07-17-13 
TAGS: KISL PGOV PTER PREL SOCI MV CE
SUBJECT:  Political Islam in Sri Lanka and the Maldives 
 
Ref:  State 205815 
 
(U) Classified by Donald A. Camp, Charge d'Affaires. 
Reasons 1.5 (b, d). 
 
¶1.  (C) In response to Reftel action request, country 
descriptions of political Islam as a factor in Sri Lanka 
and the Maldives are contained in Paras 2-7. 
 
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SRI LANKA 
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¶2.  (C) OVERVIEW:  Political Islam is not an 
important factor in Sri Lanka at this time.  Sri Lanka 
is a majority Buddhist country with a large Hindu 
presence, and, of Sri Lanka's roughly 20 million people, 
only about 7 percent are Muslim (the vast majority 
Sunni).  While some Muslims are affluent and there is a 
large population of Muslims in the eastern region, the 
community as a whole is essentially a marginal player in 
Sri Lanka in terms of the country's politics, culture, 
and economy.  The key caveat to the moderate picture the 
Muslim community presents involves Sri Lanka's ongoing 
peace process.  In a dynamic that is already in its 
early stages, eastern Muslims could become radicalized 
in an Islamist direction if they perceive that a 
possible negotiated settlement to the conflict would 
leave the Tamil Tigers in control of their home region. 
 
¶3.  (C) DISCUSSION:  The majority of Muslims support the 
various factions of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress 
(SLMC), which holds 15 seats in the 225-seat Parliament. 
Founded as a product of a local Muslim "identity" 
movement that began after Sri Lanka's independence in 
1948, the SLMC is a communal party, but is basically 
secular, steering away from a discourse focused on 
religious precepts such as shari'ah.  The party also 
supports modern social norms, such as equality for 
women.  With respect to foreign policy, the party has 
generally not/not supported U.S. policy in the Middle 
East, including in regard to the Israeli/Palestinian 
dispute and Iraq.  That said, the main faction of the 
SLMC, which is led by Minister of Ports Raul Hakeem (a 
close Mission contact), is a member of the United 
National Front (UNF) governing coalition and has not 
protested the GSL's largely pro-U.S. policies.  In early 
2003, the SLMC was buffeted by disagreements over how to 
approach Sri Lanka's peace process, cementing political 
fractures in the party.  At this point, there are three 
major SLMC factions:  SLMC (Hakeem); SLMC (Athaullah); 
and the National Unity Alliance (NUA).  (Note:  The 
leader of the NUA is Ferial Ashraff, another close 
Mission contact, who is the widow of the founder of the 
SLMC, M.H.M. Ashraff, who died in 2000.)  While they 
disagree on peace track issues, none of the factions is 
Islamist-leaning at this time.  Other than the SLMC, 
many Muslims -- especially those in Colombo -- are 
supporters of the country's dominant political parties, 
the United National Party (UNP) and the People's 
Alliance (PA).  Both the UNP and the PA are dominated by 
Sinhalese Buddhists. 
 
¶4.  (C) Against this backdrop of routine participation 
by Muslims in the democratic process, there is very 
little evidence of political Islam in Sri Lanka.  During 
the military campaigns against the al-Qaida/Taliban in 
Afghanistan in late 2001 and more recently against the 
Saddam Hussein regime in Iraq, there were some anti-U.S. 
demonstrations in which Muslims played a role.  One 
party active in these demonstrations was the Muslim 
United Liberation Front (MULF), which has no 
parliamentary representation and has very few members. 
In general, the various factions of the SLMC did not 
participate in these demonstrations, though there was a 
slight undercurrent of anti-U.S. feeling among 
mainstream Muslims. 
 
¶5.  (C) The very limited Islamist feeling that there is 
in Sri Lanka flows from the Muslim community's fear of 
the terrorist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) 
organization and not from the anti-U.S., anti-Israel 
motif prevalent in the Middle East.  This perspective is 
particularly widespread in the eastern region where 
Muslims, who form somewhere over 25 percent of the 
regional population, are deeply anxious that any 
negotiated settlement to the conflict not leave the 
Tamil Tigers in control of the east.  There is some 
information that some disaffected Muslims in the east 
have formed small anti-Tamil Tiger armed groups with 
names like "Osama" and "Jihad."  Such groups are not a 
major factor in the east at this time.  Nonetheless, 
fueled reportedly by money from "charitable foundations" 
based in the Middle East and remittances from Muslims 
working in that region, there has been an overall shift 
in the east toward an Islam with a harder edge.  (Note: 
Across the wide spectrum of the Muslim community in Sri 
Lanka, there is also some indication that more women are 
honoring hijab norms by covering their hair, etc., than 
was the case in the past.  This could be an indication 
of a push for prevalence of stricter forms of Islam 
within the community.)  Anecdotally, Mission has heard 
that some anti-western views may be gaining a limited 
beachhead in the east where there was none before.  The 
Sri Lankan government is well aware of the potential 
problem with Muslims in the east and keeps a close watch 
over the situation. 
 
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MALDIVES 
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¶6.  (C) OVERVIEW AND DISCUSSION:  Political Islam is not 
an important factor in the Maldives at this time.  Of 
the Maldives' roughly 300,000 people, virtually all are 
Sunni Muslim, which is the state religion.  Islam in the 
Maldives is strictly controlled by the government, which 
enforces a moderate form of the faith.  Women's rights 
to full participation in society, for example, are 
protected by the government.  With respect to foreign 
policy, the Maldivian government generally assumes a low 
profile, looking toward the Organization of the Islamic 
Conference (OIC) and India, its influential neighbor to 
the north, for its cues on major issues.  The 
government, which is led by President Gayoom, who 
considers himself a reformer in the Ataturk mold, is 
basically quite friendly to the U.S., strongly 
supporting the international campaign against terrorism, 
for example. 
 
¶7.  (C) Despite this generally positive picture, there 
are concerns that some trace elements of Islamic 
extremism may be emerging in the Maldives.  The 
government is concerned that some Maldivians returning 
from studies in the Middle East may have imbibed radical 
beliefs, and several reported Islamist-leaning 
Maldivians were convicted of subversion in 2002. 
(Note:  One Maldivian national, who was captured in 
Pakistan, is detained in Guantanamo.)  Although the 
country has relatively strong economic indices, there 
are worries that unemployment and underemployment may 
create a fertile ground for radicals.  Moreover, the 
government's autocratic style may also help spark 
dissent.  All that said, there is no evidence that any 
Islamist organizations have taken root in the Maldives 
at this time. 
 
¶8.  (U) Minimize considered. 
 
CAMP