This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 HARARE 002437 
 
SIPDIS 
 
NSC FOR SENIOR AFRICA DIRECTOR JFRAZER 
LONDON FOR CGURNEY 
NAIROBI FOR PFLAUMER 
PARIS FOR NEARY 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/04/2012 
TAGS: EAGR PGOV ZI
SUBJECT: COMMERCIAL FARMERS' LEADERSHIP IS THE VICTIM OF 
DEEP PHILOSOPHICAL DIVISIONS 
 
 
Classified By: Labor officer Karen Bel for reasons 1.5 (b) and (d). 
 
¶1. (C)  Summary:  Both Colin Cloete, President, and David 
Hasluck, Director, of the Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU) 
tendered their resignations on October 29 at the CFU's 
national council meeting.  These resignations, both of which 
are effective within thirty days, highlight broad gulfs -- 
between those remaining on their farms and those completely 
dispossessed, between those who favor dialogue with the GOZ 
and those who favor confrontation, between those who believe 
they have a future alongside ZANU-PF and those who advocate 
for a wholesale political change.  Part of the pressure which 
resulted in these resignations was instigated by inflammatory 
press reports of the two leaders' meeting with an informal 
delegation of visiting Americans headed by NY Councilman 
Charles Barron.  Deputy Director Dr. Jerry Grant has also 
resigned, leaving Vice President Doug Taylor-Freeme -- who is 
more disposed to confrontation with the GOZ -- in charge 
until a new president and director are chosen on November 26. 
 However, with as few as 600 commercial farmers (of whom 400 
are currently under either Section 5 preliminary notice or 
Section 8 final notice of acquisition) from a previous high 
of 4,500 commercial farmers remaining on their land, this 
latest fracture in solidarity may well signal the complete 
demise of commercial farmers as an effective and cohesive 
group.  End summary. 
 
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Internal Conflicts Brewing 
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¶2. (SBU)  Colin Cloete, who was elected President in 2001, 
has been one of the prime advocates maintaining dialogue with 
the ZANU-PF GOZ.  Although he has experienced continued 
pressure from settlers and local land committee officials on 
his own farm in the Norton area, Cloete has continued to 
express hope that the GOZ would recognize that white 
Zimbabwean commercial farmers have a valuable role to play in 
Zimbabwe's economic recovery.  David Hasluck, who has been 
Director since 1984, is also an advocate for dialogue with 
the GOZ.  Hasluck remains on his farm, and is currently 
proceeding with a tobacco crop despite the presence of 
settlers on his land.  Both men believe that "when things 
come right," Zimbabwe will need commercial farmers in order 
to re-create food security as well as a viable economy. 
 
¶3. (SBU)  The CFU has been subjected to multiple pressures 
during the past six months.  The first wave of Section 8 
final acquisition orders "matured" in August, and thousands 
of farmers were forced off their land by settlers, land 
committee members, ZANU-PF beneficiaries, and war veteran 
groups.  At the same time, some commercial farmers formed 
Justice for Agriculture (JAG), a hardline advocacy group 
which claimed a mandate to publicize the plight of commercial 
farmers, dispossessed farm workers, and agro-businesses, all 
of which are suffering under the chaotic land reform program. 
 JAG encouraged farmers to keep their title deeds, resist 
attempts to subdivide their land, and challenge the GOZ in 
court wherever possible.  In September, the CFU suspended 
regional officer Ben Freeth for taking a "confrontational" 
approach towards the government after he denounced the GOZ in 
a prayer at a CFU meeting.  Many of the remaining CFU members 
were incensed that Freeth was suspended for speaking what 
many of them privately believed. 
 
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Blindsided by the GOZ-controlled Press 
-------------------------------------- 
 
¶4. (C)  However, the final nail in the coffin was apparently 
Hasluck's statement -- taken out of context and published in 
the GOZ-controlled press -- in which he reportedly unleashed 
a "surprise onslaught" blaming Britain for a diplomatic 
standoff with Harare, resulting in commercial farmers failing 
to receive compensation for their land.  Hasluck admits 
making statements about Britain in the Barron meeting, but he 
claims that his statements were made in response to direct 
and specific questions and did not take the form of an 
"onslaught" against anybody.  Post had contacted the CFU in 
order to facilitate a meeting with the Barron entourage 
(which was in Zimbabwe at the invitation of the GOZ)  after 
Barron stated that his group wanted to get "the other side of 
the story," only to be told that the GOZ had already arranged 
a meeting.  When Barron's group arrived at the CFU offices -- 
apparently now perceived as a "legitimate" fact-finding 
mission due to Post's request -- it had grown to include 
several prominent ZANU-PF journalists.  In retrospect, the 
CFU should have set the usual ground rules for the 
participation of the press.  Despite doubts as to the group's 
intentions, however, Hasluck and Cloete voiced the CFU's 
position.  Their worst fears were realized when a distorted 
version of the meeting made the front page of the following 
day's Herald, with a picture of the Americans seated with the 
two commercial farmers, alongside reports that Hasluck was 
now joining Mugabe in blaming Britain for all of Zimbabwe's 
troubles. 
 
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Comment 
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¶5. (C)  This situation highlights the risks which Embassy 
contacts face when they agree to meet with unofficial 
delegations, particularly those that have some degree of 
solidarity with Mugabe's regime.  The Barron delegation also 
attempted to bring an expanded group in to meet with several 
other Zimbabwean interlocutors unsympathetic toward the GOZ, 
and could have faced the same press treatment.  However, 
these individuals were sufficiently wary that they refused to 
allow ZANU-PF press participation.  Regardless, in the case 
of Amani Trust, the Barron delegation apparently leaked 
accusations about international funding of Amani to the GOZ 
press afterwards, and this information featured prominently 
in subsequent press attempts to cast Amani as a "western 
imperialist puppet" organization.  As long as visiting 
American groups -- either knowingly or unwittingly -- are 
subject to exploitation and manipulation by the GOZ, it may 
be prudent to limit USG support for future unofficial trips. 
 
¶6. (C)  In the case of the CFU, it is unlikely that Hasluck 
made the statements attributed to him in the manner reported, 
but truth is less important than perception in the 
highly-charged environment of Zimbabwe.  The alleged Hasluck 
"onslaught" against Britain neatly parrots the current 
ZANU-PF anti-British rhetoric and exploited pre-existing 
rifts in the dwindling ranks of the beleaguered CFU. 
Unfortunately, the CFU has now lost three of the few moderate 
voices in its leadership, and another potential source of 
civic debate and civic action has been silenced. 
SULLIVAN