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RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 9023

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 08 TOKYO 000242 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 02/05/10 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Okinawa governor blasts FM Okada's remark on possible continued 
use of Futenma base (Asahi) 
 
(2) LDP in Okinawa Assembly unanimously agrees to submit proposal 
for relocating Futenma airfield out of prefecture to regular session 
(Okinawa Times) 
 
(3) Association of municipalities in central Okinawa asks government 
to amend SOFA (Okinawa Times) 
 
(4) Foundation of support for Governor Nakaima in upcoming 
gubernatorial election shaken (Okinawa Times) 
 
(5) Priority must be given to implementation of Japan-U.S. agreement 
(Sankei) 
 
(6) Editorial: U.S. defense program - The growing importance of 
strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance (Yomiuri) 
 
(7) Lingering calls for DPJ Secretary General Ozawa to give an 
account (Nikkei) 
 
(Corrected copy) Decision on SDF dispatch to Haiti to be made on 
Feb. 5. (Nikkei) 
 
(8) Political Cartoons (Asahi, Mainichi) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Okinawa governor blasts FM Okada's remark on possible continued 
use of Futenma base 
 
ASAHI ONLINE (Full) 
12:40, February 5, 2010 
 
At his regular news conference on the morning of Feb. 5, Okinawa 
Governor Hirokazu Nakaima commented on Foreign Minister Katsuya 
Okada's recent mention of the possibility of the continued use of 
the Futenma Air Station. He voiced the following criticism: "I 
wonder if he is abandoning the policy. It doesn't really make sense 
at all." 
 
Nakaima also made the following remarks on the Futenma issue: "The 
whole process started from the fact that (the Futenma base) is 
dangerous and it produces terrible noise." "If he is saying that it 
is possible not to do anything about the problem, does this mean 
that he has no confidence at all (in the process of identifying a 
relocation site) or he has no intention to deal with this issue 
squarely? It is rather incomprehensible." 
 
With regard to statements by Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano 
and others about "starting from zero in the search for the most 
appropriate relocation site," Nakaima said: "What does 'starting 
from zero' really mean? I would really like to hear a definition of 
it one of these days," expressing his distrust of the government's 
stance. 
 
(2) LDP in Okinawa Assembly unanimously agrees to submit proposal 
for relocating Futenma airfield out of prefecture to regular session 
 
 
TOKYO 00000242  002 OF 008 
 
 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
February 5, 2010 
 
The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), the largest group among the 
ruling parties in the Okinawa Prefectural Assembly, held a plenary 
meeting on Feb. 4 and unanimously decided to submit a letter of 
opinion and a resolution seeking the relocation of the U.S. Marine 
Corp's Futenma Air Station out of the prefecture to a regular 
session of the assembly set to be convened on Feb. 10. The party 
will now begin to coordinate views on the draft with the opposition 
side. Officials of the LDP Okinawa Chapter and the New Komeito's 
head office in Okinawa Prefecture on the same day met with Governor 
Hirokazu Nakaima and urged him to change his policy and support the 
relocation of the Futenma facilities out of the prefecture. Nakaima 
steered clear of making any comment on the issue, just noting: "We 
have yet to see what proposal the government will make and how the 
situation will develop. Changes are occurring (as a result of) the 
Nago mayoral election. We are holding discussions in preparation for 
the opening of the assembly." 
 
Referring to the ruling and opposition camps holding talks with an 
eye toward the adoption of the resolution and the letter of opinion 
by the Prefectural Assembly, Nakaima praised the move, saying, "My 
position is that it is desirable to relocate the Futenma facilities 
out of the prefecture. Nothing has changed in that regard." 
 
(3) Association of municipalities in central Okinawa asks government 
to amend SOFA 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
February 5, 2010 
 
(Tokyo) 
 
Mitsuo Gima, chairman of the association of municipalities in 
central Okinawa and mayor of Urasoe, on Feb. 4 met with Deputy Chief 
Cabinet Secretary Kinya Takino at the Prime Minister's Official 
Residence (the Kantei) and handed a letter of request, agreed on by 
the association in January, seeking an amendment to the Japan-U.S. 
Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). Takino reportedly replied, "I 
will convey your request to the prime minister and the chief cabinet 
secretary without fail, and do my utmost." 
 
Gima on the same day also submitted similar requests to Senior Vice 
Foreign Minister Koichi Takemasa, Senior Vice Cabinet Office 
Minister Atsushi Oshima and Parliamentary Defense Secretary Daiso 
Kusuda. The three officials each expressed their understanding and 
pledged to convey the request to their ministers. 
 
(4) Foundation of support for Governor Nakaima in upcoming 
gubernatorial election shaken 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Excerpts) 
February 5, 2010 
 
(Commentary) 
 
With the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), the largest ruling party in 
the Okinawa Prefectural Assembly, having decided to adopt a 
resolution and a letter of opinion seeking the relocation of the 
U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma airfield out of the prefecture and the 
 
TOKYO 00000242  003 OF 008 
 
 
New Komeito considering adopting a similar stance, there are now no 
assembly groups that share with Governor Hirokazu Nakaima a stance 
on the Futenma relocation issue. The governor, who has not totally 
ruled out the possibility of (accepting) relocation within the 
prefecture, will likely find himself on his own in the regular party 
representatives' session and general question session during the 
prefectural assembly in February. 
 
The governor's stance of not switching his policy to supporting the 
relocation of Futenma facilities out of the prefecture could further 
aggravate dissatisfaction felt in the ruling parties, which could 
shake the foundation of support for him in the upcoming 
gubernatorial election. 
 
A senior official of the LDP Okinawa Chapter, who met with Nakaima, 
complained: "It is the government that decides the relocation 
policy. I wonder why the governor is still adhering to the Henoko 
plan." Another official also turned around and said: "We do not care 
if a political party and the prefecture have different views. We 
will uncompromisingly call on the government to relocate the Futenma 
functions out of the prefecture." 
 
The reason that Nakaima is reluctant to make an overall policy 
switch is that he is insisting on the removal of the potential 
danger of Futenma Air Station. The governor harbors the strong 
perception that if he calls for relocation outside the prefecture 
and no relocation site is found, he would be held responsible for 
making the present situation a permanent facility. However, the 
basis of this perception has weakened with the election of a Nago 
mayor who opposes relocation to Nago. 
 
(5) Priority must be given to implementation of Japan-U.S. 
agreement 
 
SANKEI (Page 7) (Full) 
February 3, 2010 
 
James E. Auer, Director of the Center for U.S.-Japan Studies and 
Cooperation, Vanderbilt University 
 
A team of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's administration is 
investigating the existence of a purported secret pact allowing U.S. 
warships carrying nuclear weapons to pass through Japan's 
territorial waters and call at Japanese ports. The investigation 
reportedly covers the period since 1960, the year the U.S.-Japan 
Security Treaty was revised. The U.S. warships that called at 
Japanese ports since 1991 have not carried any strategic nuclear 
weapons, so the agreement no longer has practical significance. 
Nevertheless, the Hatoyama administration seems to believe that it 
has to let the people know the truth. 
 
Professor Reischauer's view 
 
Up until 1991, the U.S. government maintained the policy of neither 
confirming nor denying the presence or absence of nuclear weapons 
aboard its naval vessels making port calls overseas. This made 
extremely certain that Japan was being protected by the U.S. nuclear 
umbrella. 
 
The Japanese government's stance until 1991 was that nuclear-armed 
U.S. warships were not allowed to enter the country, that the 
introduction of nuclear weapons into the country was subject to 
 
TOKYO 00000242  004 OF 008 
 
 
prior consultations, and that it would always say 'no' to the 
introduction of nuclear weapons. But the Soviet Union did not 
believe in this stance of Japan. The reason was because saying 'no' 
all the time to the introduction of nuclear weapons would diminish 
the U.S. deterrent for Japan. 
 
In 1981 professor and former U.S. Ambassador to Japan Edwin 
Reischauer told newspaper reporter Yoshihisa Komori that Japan had 
agreed in 1960 to allow stopovers by nuclear-armed U.S. ships and 
planes without prior consultations. According to opinion polls back 
then, a lot of Japanese people believed professor Reischauer's 
explanation. This showed their support for the Japan-U.S. alliance 
and the U.S. nuclear umbrella. 
 
Professor Reischauer also said to Komori that in order also to 
sustain the reliability of the nuclear umbrella, the Japanese 
government should let people know the truth. I believe that if 
Japanese leaders had done so with courage, the people would have 
accepted that explanation. 
 
Three pressing issues 
 
Needless to say, examinations of history might be necessary. But I 
want to see the Hatoyama administration make greater efforts to win 
public trust about pressing issues rather than to explain to the 
people about a policy that has lost its significance. 
 
Of those pressing issues, top priorities are: (1) the difference 
between China and the United States as Japan's partner; (2) 
fundamental impediments to building an equal Japan-U.S. alliance; 
and (3) consideration for Okinawa under the existing base 
realignment plan. 
 
On the first point, some experts close to the administration are 
saying that Japan, China, and the United States should build equal 
trilateral relations (like an equilateral triangle) as the three 
major economic powers in the Asia-Pacific region. The realization of 
an equilateral relationship would be the worst possible scenario for 
Japan. 
 
While claiming its sovereignty over Japan's Senkaku Islands, China 
is planning military expansion by means of nuclear and conventional 
weapons with the aim of controlling the waters east of Taiwan with 
an eye on oil resources there. Taking up the history issue unfairly 
in schools, China is trying to instill anti-Japanese sentiments in 
people's minds. In view of this, Japan needs a close military 
alliance with the United States and the U.S. nuclear deterrence for 
its economic survival and basic security. 
 
On the second point, I do not believe there is anything wrong with 
Prime Minister Hatoyama's stance to seek a "more equal Japan-U.S. 
alliance." But if he wants to achieve it, Hatoyama must convince the 
people that "Japan is entitled to exercise the right to collective 
self-defense," as he said before becoming prime minister. That is 
because if Japan cannot exercise the right to collective 
self-defense, the exceptional Ground, Maritime, and Air Self-Defense 
Forces will not be able to work effectively to defend the country in 
cooperation with the United States. In view of the prospect that a 
combination of the military capabilities of Japan and the United 
States can further increase deterrence, a battle by the SDF alone 
would be a waste of taxpayers' money. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000242  005 OF 008 
 
 
Consideration given to not seeking a new replacement site 
 
Lastly, although the need to alleviate the burden on the people of 
Okinawa has been mentioned, there has not been sufficient 
explanation on it. Until several months ago, the name Futenma was 
hardly known among the Japanese people and researchers on Japan in 
the United States, but it is heard frequently. At present, there is 
a tremendous misunderstanding in Japan about what was agreed with 
the United States, and this misunderstanding might endanger the 
security of Japan. 
 
Under the realignment plan based on the Japan-U.S. agreement, the 
United States will close down the Futenma Air Station and return it 
to Japan along with other bases and land in Okinawa. The United 
States will also move some 8,000 Marines to Guam. It has selected a 
location on Camp Schwab in Henoko, Nago, as the relocation site for 
Futenma. Building a completely new replacement base in Okinawa would 
be undesirable for the local residents. The agreement shows the 
United States' consideration for avoiding such consequences. 
 
Professor Reischauer said that the Japanese government could have 
believed that if it revealed the truth, it would have been able to 
obtain the people's understanding. I agree with him. 
 
The Japan-U.S. agreement on U.S. force realignment was reached in 
line with the policy not to harm the natural environment or the 
country's security, thinking of ways to reduce the burden on 
Okinawans. I hope Prime Minister Hatoyama will explain this to the 
people once again along with the difference between the United 
States and China and the issue of the right to collective 
self-defense. 
 
(6) Editorial: U.S. defense program - The growing importance of 
strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance 
 
YOMIURI (Page 3) (Full) 
February 3, 2010 
 
Amidst an increasingly severe security environment, the United 
States drew up national defense guidelines placing importance on 
cooperation with its allies. 
 
The Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR), released by the Department of 
Defense (DOD) for the first time under the Obama administration, 
cites winning the Afghan and Iraqi wars as the top priorities of its 
defense strategy. 
 
The QDR points out the need for the continued strategy of destroying 
the Al Qaeda terrorist network, expressing the DOD's determination 
to bring the war on terror to a successful conclusion. 
 
In the QDR, the United States pledges to devote all its resources, 
including military power and diplomacy, to preventing and deterring 
conflicts, while stressing that it will make meticulous preparations 
for any emergency. 
 
The 2010 QDR is formulated on the basis of the present situation, in 
which the U.S. is facing a great change in the security environment 
with the expansion of threats such as the rise of China and India, 
terrorism, and nuclear proliferation. 
 
Laying emphasis on responses to diversifying threats, the QDR 
 
TOKYO 00000242  006 OF 008 
 
 
stresses the need for cooperation with allies and friendly nations. 
Behind this is the U.S.'s perception that its military superiority 
has relatively declined. 
 
The QDR indicates a strong sense of alarm toward China's military 
buildup policy, which lacks transparency, as did the previous QDR. 
Citing China's ballistic missiles, fast-attack boats, cyber-attack 
capability, and the development and deployment of anti-satellite 
weapons, the QDR points out that many questions about China's 
long-term intentions remain. 
 
The QDR also refers to the fear that the instability or collapse of 
nuclear-armed countries would increase proliferation at a stroke. 
This is because the United States is concerned about the rampancy of 
international terrorist organizations, North Korea's nuclear testing 
and long-range ballistic missile launches, and Iran's nuclear 
development. 
 
The expansion in the variety of threats could weaken the U.S. 
military's forward deployment and nuclear deterrence. It could have 
a serious impact on Japan's security. Close coordination between 
Japan and the United States is necessary. 
 
The Japan-U.S. director general-level talks on deepening the 
bilateral alliance have begun in Tokyo, on the occasion of the 50th 
anniversary of the revised Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. 
 
It is important to reflect in the Japan-U.S. talks the QDR's 
perception that China's military buildup and North Korea's nuclear 
programs are threats. In light of the Chinese military's rapid 
modernization, it is indispensable for Japan's Self-Defense Forces 
(SDF) and the U.S. military to make efforts for strengthening 
cooperation and deterrence. 
 
The QDR sets out a policy of steadily carrying out the realignment 
of U.S. forces in Japan and implementing the long-term stationing of 
U.S. forces in Japan and their reorganization in Guam. 
 
It is important that Japan and the U.S. share the same perception on 
the security environments in Asia and the world. It is also 
important for the two countries to deepen strategic dialogue on 
looking into role-sharing and cooperation. 
 
At the same time, in order to allow such dialogue, settling the 
Futenma relocation issue by May is absolutely necessary. Japan can 
put off a conclusion no longer. 
 
(7) Lingering calls for DPJ Secretary General Ozawa to give an 
account 
 
NIKKEI (Page 3) (Full) 
February 4, 2010 
 
Lower House member Tomohiro Ishikawa, arrested over fund management 
body Rikuzan-kai's alleged violation of the Political Funds Control 
Law in its purchase of land, will likely be indicted on Feb. 4. 
Although Ozawa is unlikely to be indicted, since Ishikawa is a 
former secretary of Ozawa, his political responsibility will remain. 
The focus is now shifting to whether Ozawa, the de facto top leader 
of the government and the ruling parties, will resign or not. 
 
Ozawa during a press conference on the 1st said: "If public 
 
TOKYO 00000242  007 OF 008 
 
 
prosecutors press charges against me, my responsibility would be 
heavy." People took that as a hint he would step down as secretary 
general with possibility of his being indicted without arrest in 
mind. However, the view that Ozawa would not be indicted spread on 
the 3rd, the day before the deadline for prosecutors to either 
release from detention or charge Ishikawa. DPJ members, who had been 
waiting for the outcome of the investigation, began acting, based on 
the precondition that Ozawa would not be indicted. 
 
For instance, Land, Infrastructure and Transport Minister Seiji 
Maehara, one of the "seven magistrates" who are distancing 
themselves from Ozawa, on the third supported Ozawa's remaining in 
office as secretary general, although he had been talking about 
Ozawa's resignation. Members of a group led by Deputy Finance 
Minister Yoshihiko Noda also unanimously agreed to give top priority 
to party unity at their meeting on the same night. A certain deputy 
minister stressed: "If Mr. Ozawa is not indicted, it is not 
necessary for him to quit. Rather, it would prove there were no 
irregularities." 
 
There is, however, another view. Remarked a mid-ranking lawmaker: 
"Even if Ozawa is not indicted, he will bear moral responsibility if 
his former secretaries are indicted. At a press conference in late 
January Ozawa acknowledged that he is responsible as the head (of 
the political fund Rikuzan-kai). There is concern that if he 
continues to serve as DPJ secretary general, the opposition parties 
will continue to pursue him in the Diet session, which would inflate 
public distrust in politics, and "the public would take a harsh view 
of the party," as a veteran lawmaker said. Regarding Ishikawa, who 
will likely be indicted, many are of the following opinion expressed 
by a high government official: "He will not resign as a lawmaker, 
but he might voluntarily quit the party. Party executives are 
refraining from looking into disciplinary action against Ishikawa, 
as it could lead to Ozawa's resignation. How Ishikawa takes 
responsibility could be up to Ozawa. 
 
Ozawa did not resign as head of the DPJ when his first state-funded 
secretary was arrested and indicted over the political funds 
donation scandal involving Nishimatsu Construction Co. in March last 
year. He stepped down six weeks later on the pretext of 
strengthening party unity. The perfect timing of the replacement of 
the party head boosted public support ratings for the party, 
resulting in its victory in the Lower House election. 
 
A close aide to Ozawa said: "If he is not indicted, he will not take 
responsibility by resigning as secretary general." The aide also 
made this observation: "There is a possibility of his choosing to 
step down at some point in order for the DPJ to win the upcoming 
Upper House election, pretending that his resignation is not 
directly connected to the scandal." 
 
(Corrected copy) Decision on SDF dispatch to Haiti to be made on 
Feb. 5. 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
February 2, 2010 
 
The government decided yesterday to make a final decision on Feb. 5 
at a cabinet meeting on its plan to dispatch a Self-Defense Forces 
(SDF) engineering unit to earthquake-hit Haiti to join the UN 
peacekeeping operations (PKO). Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa 
will then issue an order on the 5th to dispatch the SDF unit. The 
 
TOKYO 00000242  008 OF 008 
 
 
SDF unit is expected to comprise about 350 members, mainly Ground 
Self-Defense Force personnel. 
 
ROOS