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INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
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RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
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RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 2501
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RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 9181
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 2957
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 9638
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 9005

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 000229 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 02/04/10 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) U.S. assistant secretary of state meets with Ozawa to search for 
breakthrough in Futenma relocation issue (Sankei) 
 
(2) "Japan@the World" column: How to draw up a blueprint for a new 
alliance (Asahi) 
 
(3) Editorial: U.S. defense strategy calls for deepening Japan-U.S. 
alliance (Nikkei) 
 
(4) U.S. Ambassador Roos, Hokkaido governor participate in summit of 
female mayors (Hokkaido Shimbun) 
 
(5) Foreign Minister Okada to visit Australia on Feb. 20-21 (Nikkei) 
 
 
(6) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Mainichi) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) U.S. assistant secretary of state meets with Ozawa to search for 
breakthrough in Futenma relocation issue 
 
SANKEI (Page 3) (Full) 
February 3, 2010 
 
As if to coincide with the release of the Quadrennial Defense Review 
(QDR) by the U.S. Department of Defense, the governments of Japan 
and the U.S. have shifted into full gear in their effort to deepen 
the bilateral alliance. On Feb. 2, they held a Japan-U.S. Security 
Subcommittee (SSC) meeting of bureau director-level foreign affairs 
and defense officials. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for East 
Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell had a personal talk with 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa and 
tried to find ways to mend the strains caused by the U.S. Marine 
Corps' Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan City, Okinawa Prefecture) 
relocation issue. However, with the Hatoyama administration 
continuing to drift over its security policy, a breakthrough in the 
situation is nowhere in sight. 
 
On the afternoon of the 2nd after attending the SSC talks, Campbell 
told Ozawa in the DPJ secretary general's office in the Diet 
building, "We have reaffirmed our intentions to further strengthen 
the bilateral alliance. This alliance serves as the linchpin of the 
U.S. policy toward Asia." It is unusual for senior U.S. officials to 
visit the Diet. By doing so, Campbell, a leading Japan hand in the 
Obama administration, is apparently determined to save the face of 
Ozawa, the most influential figure in the Hatoyama administration. 
 
The meeting, which was held behind closed doors apart from the 
opening statements, lasted for an hour. A briefing after the talks 
was also cancelled at the request of Ozawa. Ozawa politely saw 
Campbell off at the Lower House entrance. Campbell told the press 
corps with a smile, "Nice talks." 
 
There is no doubt that the Futenma issue was brought up in the 
talks. The U.S. side is apparently unhappy about the inconsistency 
of Japanese ministers' views on the issue and believes that Ozawa is 
the only one who will be able to find a way out of the current 
situation. Campbell probably made the courtesy call on Ozawa with 
the aim of figuring out what he is up to. 
 
TOKYO 00000229  002 OF 009 
 
 
 
The QDR specifically mentions the need to implement the Japan-U.S. 
agreement, including the agreement on the relocation of the Futenma 
facilities to an area near the coast of Camp Schwab (in Henoko, Nago 
City, Okinawa Prefecture), calling on the Japanese government to 
steadily implement the existing plan. Campbell during the SSC 
conveyed the U.S. government's stance to the Japanese side and 
stressed to the press corps: "We have clearly conveyed our view that 
the existing plan is the best option. We would like to work closely 
so as to move forward on this issue." 
 
However, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has entirely relegated the 
effort to find a relocation site to the ruling parties' Okinawa base 
issue review committee to work out. The committee is also going 
astray with the three ruling parties failing to reach an agreement. 
 
The panel held a meeting on the evening of Feb. 2. Participants 
agreed to dispatch an inspection team consisting of government and 
ruling party officials to Guam, which the SDP insists is a candidate 
relocation site, in mid-February. However, the U.S. side is 
reluctant to allow the inspection team to make the visit. It is now 
certain that the submission of a proposal for a relocation site by 
each party slated for January will be delayed until late February or 
later. 
 
Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada mentioned the possibility of 
continuing to use Futenma Air Station, provoking a backlash from the 
SDP. This has also halted the talks on the issue. Following the 
SDP's opposition to the idea of continuing to use the current site, 
the prime minister on the evening of the 2nd told the press corps: 
"This whole issue originated from the idea of Futenma relocation. It 
will not be a solution if we go back to the beginning. The foreign 
minister understands that." However, the foreign minister at a press 
conference on the evening of the 2nd once again said, "If worst 
comes to the worst, Futenma Air Station will remain at the same 
site." The fire continues to smolder. 
 
The perceptions of cabinet ministers not only on the relocation 
issue but also on security issues are diverse. A senior Defense 
Ministry official said with a sigh: "In the present administration, 
there are no politicians who can map out a strategy that Japan 
should adopt based on the QDR." 
 
(2) "Japan@the World" column: How to draw up a blueprint for a new 
alliance 
 
ASAHI (Pages 1, 15) (Slightly abridged) 
February 4, 2010 
 
Yoichi Funabashi, chief editor 
 
On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the signing of the 
Japan-U.S. security treaty in 1960, the Japanese and U.S. 
governments have declared that they will "deepen" the Japan-U.S. 
alliance. They would like to come up with a blueprint for a new 
alliance by the time U.S. President Barack Obama visits Japan in 
November. 
 
However, the Hatoyama administration has scrapped the Futenma Air 
Station relocation plan agreed upon between the two governments in 
2006 and begun to consider an alternative plan. As a result, the 
Japan-U.S. relationship is in disarray. 
 
TOKYO 00000229  003 OF 009 
 
 
 
Opinion in the U.S. of the Hatoyama administration is harsh. An 
editorial in The New York Times on Jan. 28 expressed concern that 
"there are signs that many of the leaders of Japan's new 
administration and its postwar generation do not understand the 
irreplaceable value of the Japan-U.S. security partnership." 
 
However, on the other hand, there is a growing opinion that the U.S. 
should avoid forcing the Hatoyama administration into a corner. The 
same editorial counseled the Obama administration to be "patient," 
asserting that, "The Obama administration should look for a solution 
to the Futenma relocation and encourage the Hatoyama administration, 
so that it can declare with confidence that it is capable of 
conducting equal diplomacy with the U.S." It is important to deal 
with the base issues in the context of developing a blueprint for a 
new alliance. 
 
How, then, should the new alliance blueprint be drawn up? 
 
Stabilizing relations with a rapidly rising China will be the main 
issue. While China is not a threat right now, there is no guarantee 
that it will not be one in the future. China's peaceful rise so far 
owes much to its leaders' prudence and "patience." 
 
However, if China becomes more powerful economically and militarily, 
such "patience" may be weakened. The Western countries have begun to 
express their uneasiness and even alarm with China's recent 
"conceited" attitude in the areas of economics and finance, human 
rights, and global warming. 
 
Former Assistant Secretary of Defense Joseph Nye, who played a major 
role in the "redefinition" of the Japan-U.S. security alliance in 
the 1990s, argues strongly for "buying insurance by engaging China" 
when dealing with this country. The functions of the Japan-U.S. 
alliance will be most important in such a situation. Nye asserts 
that a real alliance consists of deterrence in peacetime and 
preparedness for contingencies. 
 
The main source of tension is China's naval buildup and the 
projection of such military power in Asia and the Pacific. Japan and 
the U.S. should consider creating a multilateral framework with the 
Asian neighbors, including China, for maritime stability in the 
South China Sea and East China Sea. This can start with cooperation 
among Japan, the U.S., Australia, China, Indonesia, Malaysia, and 
other countries in dealing with the threat posed by pirates in the 
South China Sea. 
 
The "redefinition" of the Japan-U.S. alliance in the 21st Century 
will consist of the "transformation" from an alliance "against" to 
an alliance "for." Japan should aim at consolidating its relations 
with China; realizing policy dialogues among Japan, the U.S., and 
China; and building "maritime peace" with the Japan-U.S.-China 
relationship as the axis. It is only through such "transformation" 
of the Japan-U.S. alliance that stability in China and Asia can be 
achieved. 
 
Along with the role of the alliance, the management of the alliance 
also needs to be "redefined." I would like to discuss here the 
following principles: mutual benefit, complementarity, and 
cooperation. 
 
The principle of mutual benefit means the "sharing of obligations" 
 
TOKYO 00000229  004 OF 009 
 
 
in responding to "common threats and issues." Here, the important 
thing is that the obligation and cost should be more or less 
proportionate on both sides. So far, the Japan-U.S. alliance has 
consisted mainly of the U.S.'s defense of Japan and Japan's 
provision of military bases. This structure can be sustained into 
the future by reducing the excessive burden on Okinawa. 
 
The principle of complementarity means that the two sides will 
combine their strengths in order for the alliance as a whole to 
realize its full potential. Japan is good at civilian power, while 
military power is the U.S.'s forte. Humanitarian aid and disaster 
relief, building and maintenance of peace, development for nation 
building, prevention of nuclear proliferation and nuclear 
disarmament, breaking away from dependence on oil, and environmental 
conservation and working toward a low carbon society are promising 
areas in which Japan can make contributions. To be sure, 
complementarity does not denote a complete division of labor. The 
alliance will remain a military alliance. Here, it will be important 
for Japan to maintain and develop its economic and technological 
power and its international competitiveness, which form the basis of 
its civilian power. 
 
The principle of cooperation means enhancing the reliability of the 
common tasks and operations of the two countries in support of the 
alliance and building broader-based human resources for the 
alliance. Intelligence sharing, joint flight exercises, and joint 
administration of military bases by the two countries should be 
considered. 
 
The Japan-U.S. alliance was built on the pledge by a victorious and 
a vanquished country in World War II not to go to war ever again and 
on "trust and reconciliation." The fact that these two countries 
with different languages and culture have been able to develop such 
a profound relationship of trust following the war is almost a 
miracle in contemporary history. 
 
It seems that the desire to be free from dependence on the U.S. and 
to seek moral solidarity with Asia is a latent force in the 
sentiments of the leaders of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and 
the Japanese people. However, security policy should not be affected 
by sentimentalism. The essence of security policymaking lies in 
conducting rational and strategic policy debate based on national 
interests while skillfully controlling nationalist sentiments in the 
process. The exercise of self-restraint on both sides to suppress 
nationalism is also a hidden function of an alliance. 
 
The Obama administration has proposed a security strategy for 
multilateral defense of the global commons, including navigation in 
international waters and cyber space. 
 
There are moves in the U.S. Department of Defense toward setting up 
a Pacific command for humanitarian aid and disaster relief. Prime 
Minister Hatoyama's "yuai boat" concept has elements in common with 
the multilateral medical assistance network promoted by the Obama 
administration. Now is the time for the DPJ to open up new frontiers 
in the Japan-U.S. alliance in a different way from the Liberal 
Democratic Party (LDP). If the DPJ and LDP are able to build 
consensus across party borders on Japan-U.S. security policy, the 
50th year of the security treaty will indeed be of great historic 
significance. 
 
(3) Editorial: U.S. defense strategy calls for deepening Japan-U.S. 
 
TOKYO 00000229  005 OF 009 
 
 
alliance 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
February 4, 2010 
 
The Department of Defense (DOD) has released its Quadrennial Defense 
Review (QDR) for 2010, which sets the guidelines for DOD security 
policy for the next four years. The 2010 QDR focuses on the variety 
of new threats the nation faces and calls for its allies in the Asia 
Pacific region, including Japan and South Korea, to play an expanded 
role. The allies should study the contents of the threats and 
jointly address the threats as a matter of course. 
 
The hard battle in Afghanistan probably can be cited as the most 
influential factor that has caused the U.S. to alter its strategy 
over the past four years. Emerging countries have gathered strength, 
non-state forces have gained influence, and weapons of mass 
destruction have spread further throughout the world. There is also 
the danger of military action in cyberspace. 
 
It is necessary to deal effectively with such diversified threats; 
otherwise, security will be undermined on a global scale. Therefore, 
it is quite natural for the DOD to spotlight new threats in the 
QDR. 
 
Previous QDRs envisioned a strategy to deal with two large-scale 
conflicts in the Middle East and Asia simultaneously, but this 
two-front strategy was removed from the 2010 QDR. The U.S. probably 
judged that it would be appropriate to eliminate this strategy from 
a realistic point of view. However, this strategy had some deterrent 
effect on North Korea's moves, so its elimination is not desirable 
from the standpoint of Japan. 
 
Probably with the aim of making up for the removal of the two-front 
strategy, the QDR promised to enhance its deterrence capability with 
nuclear and conventional weapons for Japan, South Korea, and other 
countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The purpose of this is to 
strengthen relations with its allies. 
 
In the case of the Japan-U.S. alliance, the U.S. should have 
proposed in the QDR that defense cooperation between Japan and the 
U.S. should be strengthened by means of Japan taking measures to 
enable the Self-Defense Force to exercise the right to collective 
self-defense. But this idea is not practical in the current 
Japan-U.S. relationship under the Hatoyama administration. 
 
Almost at the same time as the release of the QDR, Japan and the 
U.S. held a high-level meeting of the Security Subcommittee composed 
of their senior foreign and defense officials in Tokyo. As a result 
of the Hatoyama administration's decision to put off making a 
decision on the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air 
Station until the end of May, Japan and the U.S. remain unable to 
arrange a meeting between Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and 
President Barack Obama. Given this, strategic dialogue has been 
carried out by working-level officials of the two countries. 
 
Between Japan and the U.S., deliberations were carried out between 
working-level officials until 10 years ago. Although the Hatoyama 
administration has advocated shifting the decision-making 
responsibility to politicians, the Japan-U.S. alliance has returned 
to the so-called "working-level alliance" of 10 years ago. Foreign 
Minister Katsuya Okada has emphasized the importance of his talks 
 
TOKYO 00000229  006 OF 009 
 
 
with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in Hawaii, but the two sides 
have yet to establish a deep relationship of trust. 
 
If the U.S. proposal for an expanded role to be played by its allies 
is translated into action, it will inevitably become a major 
challenge for the Hatoyama administration. 
 
(4) U.S. Ambassador Roos, Hokkaido governor participate in summit of 
female mayors 
 
HOKKAIDO SHIMBUN ONLINE (Full) 
09:11, February 4, 2010 
 
The "national summit of female mayors" that opened in the town of 
Higashikagura in Kamikawa Subprefecture moved its venue to Sapporo 
City on Feb. 3. Seven female mayors, including Mayor Keiko Kawano of 
Higashikagura exchanged views with Governor Harumi Takahashi (of 
Hokkaido), Sapporo Mayor Fumio Ueda, and other officials. U.S. 
Ambassador to Japan John Roos, who was on an inspection tour to see 
the Sapporo Snow Festival and other sites, made an unscheduled 
appearance and livened up the atmosphere at the summit. 
 
In a speech, Governor Takahashi said: "There are only three female 
governors and seven female mayors in the country. This number is 
very small, but let us work together." During the informal meeting, 
Roos asked: "How is the female mayors' summit going?" He talked to 
each of the mayors, and the mayors all advertised their towns 
enthusiastically. 
 
The summit will close on Feb. 4 after adopting an appeal at a hotel 
in the town of Toyako in Iburi Subprefecture, which was the venue 
for the G-8 Hokkaido-Toyako Summit. 
 
(5) Foreign Minister Okada to visit Australia on Feb. 20-21 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
February 4, 2010 
 
Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada yesterday started making arrangements 
to visit Australia on Feb. 20-21 with an eye to holding talks with 
his Australian counterpart Stephen Smith. The purpose of his trip to 
Australia is to lay the groundwork for a meeting of the two 
countries' foreign and defense ministers (2-plus-2), which will be 
held as early as this summer. Okada and Smith are expected to 
confirm that the two countries will accelerate talks for the 
conclusion of an economic partnership agreement (EPA). They are also 
expected to exchange views on Japan's research whaling. 
 
(6) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties 
 
MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) 
February 1, 2010 
 
Questions & Answers 
(T = total; P = previous; M = male; F = female) 
 
Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet? 
 
 T P M F 
Yes 50 (55) 53 48 
No 38 (34) 37 39 
Not interested 12 (12) 10 14 
 
TOKYO 00000229  007 OF 009 
 
 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the above question) Why? 
 
 T P M F 
Because the prime minister is from the Democratic Party of Japan 7 
(6) 6 8 
Because something can be expected of the prime minister's leadership 
2 (2) 2 3 
Because something can be expected of the prime minister's policies 
13 (9) 12 13 
Because the nature of politics is likely to change 78 (82) 80 76 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the above question) Why? 
 
 T P M F 
Because the prime minister is from the Democratic Party of Japan 3 
(5) 4 3 
Because nothing can be expected of the prime minister's leadership 
41 (42) 37 45 
Because nothing can be expected of the prime minister's policies 32 
(32) 35 29 
Because the nature of politics is unlikely to change 23 (20) 24 23 
 
Q: Which political party do you support? 
 
 T P M F 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 30 (35) 33 28 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 16 (16) 17 14 
New Komeito (NK) 4 (4) 2 6 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3 (2) 3 3 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 (2) 2 0 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 1 (1) 1 0 
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 4 (4) 4 4 
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) -- (0) -- -- 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 (0) 0 0 
Other political parties 1 (1) 1 0 
None 39 (33) 35 43 
 
Q: What do you think DPJ Secretary General Ozawa should do if 
Tomohiro Ishikawa, one of his former secretaries and currently a DPJ 
lawmaker seated in the House of Representatives, is prosecuted over 
his fund management organization's unreported land purchase? Do you 
think he should resign from his party post to take responsibility? 
 
 T P M F 
Yes 76  75 78 
No 18  22 15 
 
Q: Some lawmakers in the DPJ are criticizing the prosecutors' 
investigation over the case. Do you think the prosecutors' 
investigation is appropriate? 
 
 T P M F 
Yes 71  71 71 
No 21  23 19 
 
Q: Concerning this case, Prime Minister Hatoyama told DPJ Secretary 
General Ozawa to "please fight" and also said he hoped Mr. Ishikawa 
would not be indicted. Do you think these Hatoyama remarks are 
problematic? 
 
 T P M F 
 
TOKYO 00000229  008 OF 009 
 
 
Yes 65  62 67 
No 29  35 25 
 
Q: Prime Minister Hatoyama's fund management organization is alleged 
to have falsified reports on political donations. In this case, a 
former state-funded secretary of Prime Minister Hatoyama has been 
prosecuted on the charge of violating the Political Funds Control 
Law. Do you think Prime Minister Hatoyama should resign to take 
responsibility for this case? 
 
 T P M F 
Yes 33 (40) 34 33 
No 60 (54) 63 57 
 
Q: In this case, it is clear that a total of more than 1.2 billion 
yen was provided to Prime Minister Hatoyama by his mother for eight 
years. Prime Minister Hatoyama explained, "My former secretary 
handled that, and I didn't know anything about it." Do you believe 
this explanation? 
 
 T P M F 
Yes 25  27 23 
No 68  69 68 
 
Q: The government's budget for next fiscal year incorporates its 
policy-based plans to provide child allowances and make high school 
education free of charge. Meanwhile, the government will issue 
deficit-covering bonds at a record-high level of 44 trillion yen. Do 
you approve of this budget? 
 
 T P M F 
Yes 31  34 29 
No 61  61 60 
 
Q: The recent mayoral election in Nago City, Okinawa Prefecture, 
ended in the victory of a candidate opposed to relocating the U.S. 
military's Futenma airfield facility to the Henoko area of the city, 
and Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirano indicated that there is no need 
for the government to ask for local consent for its decision 
concerning where to relocate Futenma airfield. What do you think 
about this? 
 
 T P M F 
This is a problem 73  71 74 
This is not a problem 19  25 14 
 
Q: What do you think the Hatoyama government should do about the 
Futenma relocation issue. Pick the response that is closest to your 
opinion. 
 
 T P M F 
Relocate Futenma airfield out of Okinawa Prefecture or Japan 48 (51) 
47 50 
Look for another site in Okinawa Prefecture for Futenma relocation 
26 (15) 27 25 
Relocate Futenma airfield to Henoko 16 (25) 20 12 
 
Q: If an election for the House of Councillors were to be held now, 
which political party or which political party's candidate would you 
vote for in your proportional representation bloc? 
 
 T P M F 
 
TOKYO 00000229  009 OF 009 
 
 
DPJ 35  40 32 
LDP 20  21 19 
NK 5  3 7 
JCP 4  4 4 
SDP 2  3 2 
PNP 1  2 0 
YP 6  7 5 
RC 0  0 1 
Other political parties 15  14 15 
 
(Note) Figures shown in percentage, rounded off. "0" indicates that 
the figure was below 0.5 PERCENT . "No answer" omitted. Figures in 
parentheses denote the results of the last survey conducted Dec. 
19-20. 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Jan. 30-31 over the 
telephone across the nation on a computer-aided random digit 
sampling (RDS) basis. A total of 1,662 households with one or more 
eligible voters were sampled. Answers were obtained from 1,050 
persons (63 PERCENT ). 
 
ROOS