VZCZCXRO2910
RR RUEHNG RUEHRS
DE RUEHME #0101/01 0431758
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 121737Z FEB 10
FM AMEMBASSY MEXICO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 0451
INFO ALL US CONSULATES IN MEXICO COLLECTIVE
RHEHAAA/NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL WASHINGTON DC
RHMFIUU/CDR USNORTHCOM PETERSON AFB CO
RHMFIUU/CDR USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL
RHMFIUU/DEPT OF HOMELAND SECURITY WASHINGTON DC
RHMFIUU/DEPT OF JUSTICE WASHINGTON DC
RUCPDOC/DEPT OF COMMERCE WASHINGTON DC
RUEABND/DEA HQS WASHINGTON DC
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 MEXICO 000101 
 
SENSITIVE 
SIPDIS 
WHA DAS JACOBSON AND MEX DIRECTOR LEE, 
NSC FOR O'REILLY AND RESTREPO 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PGOV PREL PHUM MX
SUBJECT: CIVIL SOCIETY WEIGHS IN ON SECURITY ISSUES 
 
REF: 08 MEXICO 3690; 09 MEXICO 2144 
 
CIVIL SOCIETY WEIGHS IN ON SECURITY ISSUES 
 
 
 
¶1. (SBU) Summary: Civil society in Mexico is a nascent force with 
significant but unrealized potential for bringing about needed 
social and political change.  Many of the groups contribute to the 
rich and surprisingly open political debate here, but some are 
top-down constructs, staffed by well-connected elites, amply 
funded, but hemmed in by a political culture that is want to moving 
slowly in identifying problems and glacial in pushing for real 
change. The independent NGOs also reflect the cautious and 
conservative nature of Mexico's political class: some groups are 
too narrowly focused on the grievances of elites, while others fall 
prey to the rigid PRI-created stovepipes that reinforce a zero-sum 
approach and undermine common agendas, practical cooperation, and 
innovative thinking. 
 
 
 
A Brief History 
-------------------- 
 
 
 
¶2. (SBU) Historically, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), 
which ruled Mexico over seven decades, exercised effective control 
over civil society, restricting its participation in questions of 
governance and successfully co-opting various groups.  Over time, 
however, several significant events -- the 1985 earthquake, the 
contested presidential election of 1988, and several political and 
economic crises over the course of the 1980s and 1990s -- gave rise 
to the emergence of independent Civil Society Organizations (CSO) 
that insisted on the right to challenge the government's policies. 
In 1994, an alliance of more than 400 CSOs formed to promote the 
Citizen Movement for Democracy.  Groups similarly campaigned for 
greater respect for human rights, contributing in large measure to 
the creation of the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) in the 
1990s.  Ultimately, pressure from groups for change helped lead to 
the election of Vicente Fox as President of Mexico, the first 
president from a party other than PRI in over 71 years. 
 
 
 
¶3. (SBU) Today, civil society in Mexico, however nascent and 
immature, has become a growth sector.  The press unabashedly 
criticizes the government, unions openly protest in the streets, 
and groups representing an ever widening array of interests have 
emerged, making their demands heard in the public sphere.  Most 
recently, record levels of organized crime related violence in 
Mexico galvanized groups into action.  In response to rising cries 
for action, senior GOM officials including President Calderon, the 
mayor of Mexico City, the country's 31 state governors, various 
Congressmen, and senior members of the judiciary and military, met 
on August 21, 2008 together with representatives of several CSOs 
and unanimously adopted a 75 point package of security measures to 
be implemented over the next three years.  On August 30, 2008, 
several groups organized a massive nationwide demonstration to 
prove national outrage over a number of recent killings and to 
promise to hold the GOM accountable to their obligations under the 
agreement (see reftel 1). 
 
 
 
Major Players in Civil Society Today 
--------------------------------------------- ---- 
 
 
 
¶4.  (SBU) Many CSOs that have emerged over recent years tend to be 
highly organized, well funded, and supported and staffed by members 
of Mexico's socioeconomic elite.  Mexico Unido Contra la 
Delicuencia - Mexico United Against Crime (MUCD) - is an example of 
this type of new civil society powerhouse.  This organization, 
 
MEXICO 00000101  002 OF 003 
 
 
dedicated to combating kidnappings and crime through raising 
awareness and by supporting a wide range of policy reforms, is 
backed by prominent businessmen and foundations, and regularly 
receives extensive press coverage.  Another high profile security 
organization is Mexico SOS, an NGO founded by Alejandro Marti, the 
wealthy and prominent owner of a chain of sporting goods stores, 
whose teenage son was murdered last year (reftel).  Mexico SOS, 
among other programs, provides phone numbers for victims to report 
crimes and works to keep security issues in the press.  Another 
major player in civil society is Marcos Fastlicht, a wealthy 
construction magnate and patriarch of a prominent family, who 
served as president of the Citizen Participation Council of the 
Attorney General's Office (CPC) from 2008-2009.  The CPC was 
founded in 2002 when a prestigious group of civil society activists 
met with then President Vicente Fox and his security cabinet to 
create formal channels for citizens to express their concerns to 
the state and federal attorney general offices.  Today, CPCs are 
active in all 31 states and are supported by 450 volunteers. 
During his year as Director of the CPC, Fastlicht started 
developing the National Association of Civil Participation (ANCPC) 
which he now heads. 
 
 
 
The CSO Divide 
----------------------- 
 
¶5. (SBU) In addition to these security-focused groups, human rights 
organizations have inserted themselves into the security debate due 
to concerns over abuses by the government and a desire for what 
they describe as a "holistic" security policy.  Well-respected 
groups such as FUNDAR and the San Agustin Pro Juarez Center for 
Human Rights (CentroProdh) participate in GOM sponsored meetings 
related to the Merida Initiative and other security related issues, 
even though their priorities are not exclusively security focused. 
CentroProdh is a well known human rights organization that 
advocates for victims and draws awareness to violations.  FUNDAR 
focuses more on research, analyzing the GOM's budget and policy 
proposals with a focus on democratic development as well as human 
rights.  These groups, as well as others like the Institute for 
National Security and Democracy (INSYDE), a non-profit that also 
focuses on research, lobby the government less than MUCD and 
advocate for local solutions to regional problems. (Note: For more 
information on such groups and their efforts to effect change, see 
ref 2. End note.) 
 
¶6.  (SBU) These human rights groups often criticize MUCD and SOS 
for being too friendly with politicians, too involved in party 
politics, and too removed from the average citizen.  They charge 
that such organizations are paternalistic and their leaders only 
focus on the grievances of the elite; that their work is motivated 
simply by personal loss and not the greater good.  One FUNDAR 
representative explained the divide by telling Poloff, "there's 
MUCD, SOS and then there's us, INSYDE, CentroPro, etc."  Poloffs 
repeatedly hear similar sentiments which create an "us vs. them" 
divide in civil society.  MUCD and SOS are powerful, 
well-connected, and earn envious amounts of media coverage. 
FUNDAR, INSYDE, and CentroPro work more quietly.  Much of their 
labor focuses on the local, state, and individual levels and they 
do not generate as much press coverage, a fact that could lend 
itself to jealousy.  Of course, many of the security-focused groups 
also disagree with each other, often devolving into petty disputes 
over which gets more press time or is more compromised by its 
elevated connection to power circles.  The divisions within and 
between the two sets of groups tend to undercut their credibility 
and influence on power and draw their attention away from the 
necessary scrutiny, oversight, and accountability of government 
they can provide. 
 
Overcoming Bad Habits 
--------------------------------- 
 
¶8.  (SBU)  While Mexico is more open than it once was, most levels 
of government are still slow to integrate genuine civil society 
participation and recommendations.  Seventy years of one-party rule 
have cast a long shadow over Mexican politics, and exclusion is 
still the norm here.  CSOs constantly complain that officials 
 
MEXICO 00000101  003 OF 003 
 
 
exclude them from decision-making and rarely take their opinions 
into serious account.  Nonetheless, Congress gave NGOs a voice in 
the recent selection of the new head of the National Human Rights 
Commission (ref 3) and, for the first time ever, legislators 
accepted a bill from an NGO in December.  Stop Kidnappings, an NGO 
led by the prominent activist and mother of a kidnap victim Isabel 
Miranda de Wallace, submitted a victim's rights bill to Congress 
which lawmakers will consider next session.  These small victories 
represent the growing opportunity for Mexican CSOs to engage with 
the government. 
 
Hope on the Horizon 
---------------------------- 
 
¶9.  (SBU) Despite divisions and a closed political climate, 
Mexico's security-based groups represent a growing sector, and 
their influence continues to expand.  Fastlicht believes that CSOs 
can and should play an important role in controlling and 
dismantling the cycle of violence affecting society.  In his 
opinion, "if criminal groups are organized then civil society is 
disorganized."  Fastlicht's newest project involves the 
establishment of an umbrella organization for CSOs in Mexico.  He 
hopes to coordinate and facilitate their interaction with each 
other so that they can work together more seamlessly to achieve 
mutual goals.  Fastlicht commented that he still lacks the budget 
needed to support this project and is looking to USAID, for 
funding. (Note: AID already supports his organization with $1 
million USD of Merida funding. End note.)  Similarly, after a 
recent press conference slamming the GOM for having made "no 
advance" on security, MUCD president Ana Franco reflected her 
organization's determination when she said, "We will demand that 
the situation be corrected," leaving no doubt that MUCD will 
continue to work with GOM officials to improve the government's 
response to security concerns. Another MUCD representative told 
Polasst that his work for the organization is voluntary and that he 
would not spend his time working for it if he did not feel it was 
going to make a difference.  Despite their regular complaints of 
government inaction and incompetence, these organizations clearly 
see themselves contributing to positive change. 
 
¶10.  (SBU) Comment: We are working very closely with Mexican civil 
society both in our dialogue with the human rights NGOs and in our 
support for citizen participation groups working to build a 
national consensus against violence.  These efforts are showing 
great promise notwithstanding continued growing pains in Mexican 
civil society.  We are encouraged that the messages delivered by 
security-focused CSOs have struck a chord with Mexico's broader 
civil society.  These groups have no intention of letting their 
demands go unaddressed.  Instead, they insist they have a seat at 
the table in policy debates.  Mexico's efforts to combat organized 
crime and institute respect for the rule of law will take time and 
significant resources.  While we have not seen evidence of cartel 
intimidation affecting Mexico City civil society, we know that in 
Ciudad Juarez CSO leaders do face more threats from cartels.  We 
will continue to monitor the situation and look for ways to partner 
with CSOs to urge the GOM to adopt policies that enhance safety for 
community activists.  To the extent the GOM develops a more 
constructive relationship with Mexico's broad array of civil 
society players and proves itself more responsive to their demands, 
we can expect continued progress in their shared vision of a safer, 
more prosperous Mexico. End comment. 
PASCUAL