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RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 9308
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 8730

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 15 TOKYO 000088 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/14/10 
 
INDEX: 
(1) PM Hatoyama: No plan to replace DPJ Secretary General Ozawa, 
supports Ozawa despite raids by prosecutors over fund management 
body's land deal (Sankei) 
 
(2) Editorial: Okada, Clinton agree to start talks to rebuild basis 
of bilateral alliance (Asahi) 
 
(3) May deadline for Futenma relocation solution becomes "tough 
task" for Japan at Okada-Clinton talks (Asahi) 
 
(4) PNP policy chief Shimoji tours Misawa base in search for 
alternative Futenma relocation site (Okinawa Times) 
 
(5) Futenma relocation and Hatoyama administration: Change in Chief 
Cabinet Secretary Hirano's attitude toward Futenma issue and 
eagerness to reach settlement (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(6) "Ronten" column: Stationing of U.S. forces in Japan: "Security 
alliance without permanent stationing of troops" is an illusion 
(Yomiuri) 
 
(7) My viewpoint column: ASEAN plus Japan, China and South Korea 
should form core of East Asian Community (Asahi) 
 
(8) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Yomiuri) 
 
(9) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(10) Child abduction and international divorce (Part 3): Sole 
custody system continues to produce tragedies in Japan; disruption 
of ties to son leads to suicide (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) PM Hatoyama: No plan to replace DPJ Secretary General Ozawa, 
supports Ozawa despite raids by prosecutors over fund management 
body's land deal 
 
SANKEI ONLINE (Full) 
10:49, January 14, 2010 
 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama commented on the morning of Jan. 14 on 
the Tokyo District Prosecutors Office's simultaneous raids over the 
land deal involving Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary 
General Ichiro Ozawa's fund management organization Rikuzan-kai. He 
said: "The only thing we can do is to work hard, so that this will 
not affect the Diet. The cabinet will unite as one." He responded to 
questions from reporters in front of his official residential 
quarters. 
 
When asked if he will think about replacing the secretary general, 
Hatoyama said: "Not at this point. The DPJ has come this far under 
the secretary general's leadership. We have also weathered a very 
tough election. I have no such plans for now," strongly denying the 
possibility of replacing Ozawa. As to whether Ozawa should make 
himself available for questioning by the Tokyo District Prosecutors 
Office, Hatoyama's response was: "I think that is for him to 
decide." 
 
Concerning the growing demand for (Ozawa) to give an explanation 
from the Social Democratic Party, a coalition partner of the DPJ, 
 
TOKYO 00000088  002 OF 015 
 
 
Hatoyama would only say: "Since the investigation is in progress, I 
think he is refraining from making statements." 
 
Meanwhile, Hatoyama asked the Diet to deliberate (on the regulation 
of political funds), including the possibility of a legal amendment, 
stating that: "Since the issue of (violation) of the Political Fund 
Control Law has come up (in light of a series of scandals), this 
question should be debated vigorously, and both the ruling and 
opposition parties should be involved in dealing with it." 
 
(2) Editorial: Okada, Clinton agree to start talks to rebuild basis 
of bilateral alliance 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
January 14, 2010 
 
Four months have passed since the Hatoyama administration was 
inaugurated. The relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air 
Station in Okinawa is still a thorn in side of Japan-U.S. ties, but 
the bilateral relationship has finally begun to move forward. 
 
Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and his U.S. counterpart Hillary 
Clinton agreed in their meeting in Hawaii to launch a new round of 
talks aimed at deepening the bilateral alliance. 
 
Secretary of State Clinton renewed her call for Japan to implement 
the current plan agreed on between Japan and the U.S. to relocate 
the Futenma airfield to the Henoko district in Nago City. 
 
She said that although the Futenma issue is extremely important, 
"the issue is only part of the comprehensive bilateral partnership." 
She emphasized the importance for Japan and the U.S. to promote 
cooperation on other matters. 
 
Last year, a change of government took place in Japan and the U.S. 
The Obama administration and the Hatoyama administration share many 
ideas; for instance, calls for promoting multinational cooperation, 
nuclear abolition, and environmental protection. Given this, there 
must be many areas in which the two governments can cooperate. 
 
However, the Hatoyama administration's clumsy handling of the 
Futenma issue has undermined Washington's' confidence in Tokyo. 
 
Clinton emphasized that the Japan-U.S. alliance is a cornerstone of 
U.S. policy toward Asia and the basis of security in the 
Asia-Pacific region. This remark stems from the judgment that the 
two countries should not allow their entire relationship to be 
spoiled only due to the Futenma issue. The two governments have 
finally returned to their original starting point, although it has 
taken a considerable amount of time. 
 
This year marks the 50th anniversary of the revision of the 
Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. Okada and Clinton agreed to start talks 
aimed at strengthening the foundation of the bilateral alliance. 
Okada is hoping that the two countries will draw up a joint security 
declaration by November, when President Barack Obama is scheduled to 
visit Japan. 
 
Okada is reportedly eager to start discussions on Asia-Pacific 
concerns so the two countries can develop a common awareness of 
security issues in the region. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000088  003 OF 015 
 
 
The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) grabbed the reins of government 
from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which had persistently 
supported the Japan-U.S. security arrangements in the postwar 
period. What will the DPJ administration carry over from the LDP? 
What kind of Japan-U.S. strategy is it going to craft amid great 
changes in Asia and the world? Okada said, "Instead of discussing 
stopgap measures, Japan and the U.S. should hold thorough talks from 
a panoramic viewpoint." 
 
Sharing a common perception will probably be useful for the two 
countries in exploring a way out of the Futenma issue. It is also 
expected to provide a good opportunity for Japan and the U.S. in the 
new international environment to consider the propriety of the 
measures taken under the Japan-U.S. security arrangements for a long 
period time, such as the presence of U.S. military bases, the 
Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement, and Japan's host nation 
support (the so-called omoiyari yosan or "sympathy budget"). By 
doing so, their peoples' knowledge about these issues will also 
deepen. 
 
The government and the ruling coalition are looking for new 
relocation sites for the Futenma airfield. Okada relayed to Clinton 
"the prime minister's promise" that the administration would reach a 
final conclusion by May. He also said that if the government fails 
to deliver on this promise, the Hatoyama administration's 
credibility will be affected. 
 
It is true that the Futenma issue is just part of the Japan-U.S. 
alliance, but if the Hatoyama administration does not go through the 
difficult process of finding a solution acceptable to both sides, it 
will also be difficult to discuss the future of the alliance. 
 
(3) May deadline for Futenma relocation solution becomes "tough 
task" for Japan at Okada-Clinton talks 
 
ASAHI (Page 4) (Full) 
January 14, 2010 
 
Hiroshi Ito, Akira Uchida in Honolulu 
 
At the joint news conference held after their talks in Honolulu, 
Hawaii on Jan. 12, the foreign ministers of Japan and the United 
States both emphasized the importance of the bilateral alliance and 
played up the amicable atmosphere. The two ministers also confirmed 
that a solution on the issue of the relocation of the U.S. forces' 
Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan City, Okinawa) will be reached "by 
May." If this deadline is not met, the Japan-U.S. relationship may 
deteriorate further. 
 
Giving consideration to relations with Japan 
 
"This is an issue that we view as very important, but it is part of 
our comprehensive partnership. We are working on a whole range of 
global issues, and we will continue to do so." 
 
At the joint news conference, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton 
emphasized that the Futenma issue is not the only issue in the 
Japan-U.S. relationship. She mentioned climate change, the Iranian 
and North Korean nuclear issues, and even the exchange of students, 
doctors, and scientists to show that the bilateral relationship 
covers a wide range of areas. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000088  004 OF 015 
 
 
Behind Clinton's effort to stress the broad scope of the Japan-U.S. 
cooperative relationship is the growing concern in the U.S. about 
the deterioration of relations with Japan. 
 
Harvard University Professor Joseph Nye, a former assistant 
secretary of defense, wrote in the Jan. 7 issue of The New York 
Times: "Some people in Washington want to take a tough stance toward 
the new administration in Japan, but that would be unwise." He asked 
the U.S. government to be patient in negotiating the Futenma issue. 
Other major U.S. papers are increasingly arguing that "a specific 
issue like Futenma should not be allowed to aggravate relations with 
Japan." 
 
At the news conference, Clinton said: "We know there is a lot of 
concern within the coalition government," showing her consideration 
for the Hatoyama administration. However, there is also a "deadline" 
for such consideration. Clinton also stated at the news conference: 
"We want to have a decision by May." While showing her understanding 
of the Japanese government's plan to reach a decision by May, she 
also reminded Japan that the U.S. government regards May as the 
deadline. 
 
The U.S. government's position that the current relocation is the 
best option remains unchanged. U.S. House of Representatives member 
Madeleine Bordallo, Armed Services Committee Chairman Ike Skelton, 
and four other House members sent a letter to Prime Minister Yukio 
Hatoyama on Jan. 7, demanding a solution to the Futenma issue based 
on the current relocation plan and the implementation of the 
relocation of U.S. Marines in Okinawa to Guam as planned. If the 
Hatoyama administration fails to meet the May "deadline," it is 
possible that the U.S. Congress may move to freeze the budget for 
U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) realignment. 
 
Kantei takes initiative to look for solution 
 
With regard to the May "deadline," Okada stated unequivocally at his 
news conference for the Japanese media: "If the prime minister and 
the foreign minister fail to do what they said they would do, they 
will lose credibility in human society." 
 
Okada had tried to work for a solution to the Futenma issue within 
¶2009. Since a meeting with Clinton, which he had been strongly 
hoping for since last autumn, had finally been realized, he needed 
to reassure the U.S. side. At the meeting, he conveyed the Japanese 
government's determination on the May "deadline," telling Clinton 
"this is a promise from Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama." 
 
The Hatoyama cabinet has begun to look for a solution to the Futenma 
issue under the initiative of the Prime Minister's Official 
Residence (Kantei). The three ruling coalition parties, the 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), the Social Democratic Party, and 
the People's New Party will submit their proposals on the relocation 
site to the "committee for the examination of Okinawa base issues" 
before the end of January. Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano, 
who chairs the committee, said at a news conference on Jan. 13, "I 
would like to think of a mechanism to facilitate the transmission of 
information to the Kantei," demonstrating his strong motivation. 
 
In the foreign ministerial meeting, it was also agreed that a joint 
statement would be issued by the Japanese and U.S. cabinet ministers 
in charge of foreign affairs and defense on Jan. 19, which marks the 
50th anniversary of the signing of the revised Japan-U.S. security 
 
TOKYO 00000088  005 OF 015 
 
 
treaty. Okada, who had once expressed strong concern that the 
Japan-U.S. relationship was "being shaken," expressed his relief by 
saying: "I feel like the prospects are a little brighter now." 
 
However, in reality, the Futenma issue has merely been "shelved." 
DPJ Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa has expressed a negative view on 
the current plan to relocate the Futenma base to Henoko in Nago 
City, which the U.S. side regards as the "best option." Hatoyama has 
also ordered a search for a relocation site "other than Henoko." 
There is a persistent opinion in the ruling parties that it would be 
difficult to implement the current plan. 
 
Okada also indicated his intention to draft a new declaration to 
replace the 1996 Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration on Security signed by 
Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto and U.S. President Bill Clinton. 
However, the Futenma issue is closely linked to USFJ realignment 
plans affecting other bases. If this issue remains unresolved, it 
will be difficult to proceed with discussions on concrete issues of 
security. It is unclear whether the talks to deepen the Japan-U.S. 
alliance that were launched in effect at the Okada-Clinton talks, 
will lead to a new security declaration. 
 
(4) PNP policy chief Shimoji tours Misawa base in search for 
alternative Futenma relocation site 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full) 
January 14, 2010 
 
Tokyo - Mikio Shimoji, chief policy officer of the People's New 
Party (PNP), and others toured the Misawa base (in Aomori 
Prefecture) on Jan. 13 for the purpose of studying alternative 
relocation sites for the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station. As an 
alternative Futenma relocation plan, Shimoji has proposed the 
transfer of F-15 fighter exercises on Kadena Air Base (KAB) to 
Misawa to make way for integrating Futenma with KAB. 
 
Major General Hiroaki Maehara, commander of the Third Air Wing at 
the Air Self-Defense Force's Misawa base, told the group that 40,000 
takeoff and landing exercises are conducted each year at the 
3,000-meter runway jointly used with the U.S. forces. Two percent of 
the military base, measuring 1,600 square meters, is used 
exclusively by the Self-Defense Forces, 69 percent is used by the 
U.S. forces, and 29 percent is used jointly. 
 
After the tour, Shimoji said: "The KAB integration plan has to come 
in a package with the transfer of exercises out of Okinawa. If 
40,000 exercises take place in Misawa each year, it might be 
possible to add another 20,000. My feeling is that it might be 
possible to use this base in terms of its size among other factors." 
Shimoji and his group plan to visit the U.S. Marine base in Iwakuni 
(Yamaguchi Prefecture), the U.S. naval base in Sasebo (Nagasaki 
Prefecture), and the Maritime Self-Defense Force base in Omura 
(Nagasaki) on Jan. 14. 
 
(5) Futenma relocation and Hatoyama administration: Change in Chief 
Cabinet Secretary Hirano's attitude toward Futenma issue and 
eagerness to reach settlement 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 2) (Full) 
January 12, 2010 
 
While walking around a residential district in Ginowan City in the 
 
TOKYO 00000088  006 OF 015 
 
 
early afternoon on Jan. 9, Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano 
asked a passerby there: "How's the noise around here?" In order to 
learn more about the actual situation in areas surrounding the U.S. 
Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station, Hirano viewed the Futenma base 
from the rooftop of an elementary school adjacent to the base, 
looked over a fence at the base, and checked soundproofed housing. 
 
During his tour, Hirano expressed his eagerness to resolve the 
issue, saying, "I want to observe with my own eyes what the 
situation in Okinawa is really like." He initially had little 
interest in the relocation issue and did not actively involve 
himself in it even though the issue became top priority for the 
Hatoyama administration. 
 
Chief cabinet secretaries in the past have been fairly actively 
engaged in Okinawa affairs. The Futenma Airfield Relocation Measures 
Council, set up by a former government, was co-chaired by the state 
minister for Okinawa affairs and defense minister at first, but it 
was later used for a turf battle. Then Chief Cabinet Secretary 
Nobutaka Machimura put an end to the turf battle and took control of 
the council. As a result, Hirano was reportedly told that chief 
cabinet secretary has the key role in connection with the Futenma 
issue, which involves the foreign and defense ministers and state 
minister for Okinawa promotion, but he jokingly replied, "If so, I 
want it returned to how it used to be." A government official said, 
"He seemed to be backing away from the issue." In mid-December, 
however, he appeared to change his position. 
 
Hirano's aide explained the reason behind his change: "In connection 
with the coalition government, he had to bear responsibility." 
Another aide said, "He became the chair of the government's 
committee to study Okinawa base issues." 
 
The Futenma issue, which has become an internal problem rather than 
a diplomatic one, is now being dealt with by the three ruling 
parties, exceeding the domain of the foreign and defense ministers. 
As a result, Hirano had no choice but to play the key role. 
 
In a meeting on Jan. 4 with Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama at a Tokyo 
hotel, Hirano said, "Because the committee will make a decision on 
the matter, let me handle it. If I fail, I will take the 
consequences." 
 
On the morning of Jan. 9, Hirano held a meeting with Gov. Hirokazu 
Nakaima of Okinawa Prefecture on his first visit to the prefecture 
since assuming his current post. In the meeting, he said, "We may 
have to ask for your decision." His remark could be taken to mean 
that if a decision is made to relocate the Futenma base within 
Okinawa, the governor should accept it. Nakaima could only say, "I'm 
afraid to say yes to that.'" 
 
A government source said, "Mr. Hirano does not have any alternative 
site in mind. However, he believes there is no other option but to 
relocate Futenma to somewhere in Okinawa other than Henoko." The 
source explained the reason: "Because (Secretary General) that's 
what Ichiro Ozawa, the chief executive, thinks." 
 
Hirano stressed: "(The government) will go back to square one in 
looking for a relocation site." Nakaima said after the meeting, "I 
had believed that Futenma would be moved out of the prefecture. I 
wonder what his real view is." A senior Okinawa government official 
also made this comment: "We welcome his enthusiasm on the issue, but 
 
TOKYO 00000088  007 OF 015 
 
 
we don't want the base to be relocated within the prefecture," 
expressing strong concern about what decision the government will 
make. 
 
On the morning of Jan. 11 Hirano reported to Hatoyama on his Okinawa 
tour. "Thank you for trouble," said Hatoyama. Hirano, who was able 
to confirm his beliefs, told the prime minister: "This is the 
starting point." 
 
(6) "Ronten" column: Stationing of U.S. forces in Japan: "Security 
alliance without permanent stationing of troops" is an illusion 
 
YOMIURI (Page 13) (Full) 
January 13, 2010 
 
Takakazu Kuriyama, former ambassador to the United States 
 
It is a well-known fact that a "security alliance without the 
permanent stationing of troops" is a pet theory of Prime Minister 
Yukio Hatoyama. He recently announced that he is shelving this 
theory, which is the proper thing to do as the prime minister, who 
is responsible for national security. Yet, looking at how the Prime 
Minister is handling the issue of the relocation of the Futenma Air 
Station, one cannot help thinking that he still sticks to his pet 
theory. Furthermore, if the U.S. government is indeed beginning to 
lose trust in the Hatoyama administration, as described in media 
reports, this is probably because the U.S. suspects that the 
administration aims at realizing a "security alliance without the 
permanent stationing of troops." 
 
The advocates of a "security alliance without the permanent 
stationing of troops" (or "security alliance with the stationing of 
troops only in a contingency") think that the stationing of foreign 
troops in Japan is abnormal and is a remnant of the Cold War even 
today, 20 years after it ended. However, this is an argument based 
on a completely mistaken perception of reality. At present, 75,000 
U.S. forces are stationed in Europe under the NATO framework, 
according to The Military Balance 2009, 55,000 of which are deployed 
in Germany. In addition, 22,000 British troops are also stationed in 
Germany. Even in Europe, where after the end of the Cold War the 
security environment is much more stable than that in East Asia, 
such a level of U.S. forces deployment is accepted as a reasonable 
cost for protection under the U.S. military umbrella (relying on 
U.S. extended deterrence, including nuclear arms). The problem with 
the base issues in Okinawa lies not in the presence of U.S. troops 
per se, but in the overconcentration of military bases. 
 
For sure, under an "alliance with the stationing of troops only in a 
contingency," the burden on the local communities close to the bases 
(noise, accidents, peace and order issues, etc.) will indeed be 
reduced significantly. However, airfields and barracks, as well as 
communication, supply, and storage facilities, will have to be 
maintained even during peacetime in order to ensure the rapid and 
effective redeployment of U.S. forces in a contingency. Most of the 
military bases in use right now would not be returned. Furthermore, 
if the presence of the Seventh Fleet is deemed necessary in the West 
Pacific, the naval bases in Yokosuka and Sasebo would have to be 
provided for the continued use of U.S. forces. 
 
Apart from the hardware requirements for a "security alliance 
without the permanent stationing of troops," there are more basic 
problems with this concept. First, it is doubtful if the U.S. forces 
 
TOKYO 00000088  008 OF 015 
 
 
that have been withdrawn can return in a timely manner when they are 
needed by Japan. It is common sense in international politics that 
no matter how close a bilateral relationship is, an alliance 
relationship should not be taken for granted. This is precisely the 
reason for the presence of U.S. forces in Europe. 
 
Second, what is the perception of this issue from the U.S. 
standpoint? If Japan and the U.S. can be expected to agree 
completely at all times on the military response needed from the 
U.S. during a contingency in East Asia, there will not be any 
serious problem. However, if that is not the case, there is no 
guarantee that the U.S. forces can obtain the Japanese government's 
approval even if they should want to redeploy in Japan (e.g. 
Okinawa). Such an unpredictable situation is absolutely unacceptable 
to the U.S. 
 
Pursuing a "security alliance without the permanent stationing of 
troops," which is untenable without absolute mutual trust between 
Japan and the U.S., amounts to pursuing an illusion. It is an 
unrealistic and irresponsible policy. 
 
(7) My viewpoint column: ASEAN plus Japan, China and South Korea 
should form core of East Asian Community 
 
ASAHI (Page 17) (Full) 
January 13, 2010 
 
By Ling Xingguang, executive director of Japan-China Science, 
Technology and Culture Center 
 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's initiative for an East Asia 
Community was enthusiastically welcomed by Southeast Asia and China. 
However, since its contents are unclear, the enthusiasm is cooling 
off. What is important is how to envision a regional framework for 
the proposed community. The initiative will remain unrealized if the 
prime minister avoids facing this essential issue. 
 
In my view, an ASEAN plus 3 framework - the 10 ASEAN members, Japan, 
China and South Korea - should be proactively promoted from the 
viewpoint of Japan's national interest and the building of a new 
East Asian model. 
 
The new East Asian model is a sophisticated and globalized version 
of the East Asian model created by Japan. 
 
Japan has created a new model combining the planned nature of a 
controlled economy and a market mechanism in the postwar period. In 
other words, the new model is a government-led market economy. The 
government played a significant role in mapping out a guideline-like 
long-term plan and in drawing up industrial policies and social 
security policies. Unlike a controlled economy, the (government-led) 
management of the economy was based on market principles. 
 
Japan's model for success was adopted by Taiwan, South Korea, and 
Singapore. The Japanese model was also adopted by ASEAN and China 
after its reform and opening up. This was highly evaluated by the 
international community as the miracle of East Asia. However, when 
U.S.-style neoliberalism swept through the world in the second half 
of the 1990's, questions were raised about whether the Japanese 
style, which succeeded in one country, was really effective. It was 
also viewed as outmoded in Japan. China was influenced by 
neoliberalism. However, it has basically acceded to the East Asia 
 
TOKYO 00000088  009 OF 015 
 
 
model that originated in Japan. 
 
Ideally, Japan should have created a new East Asia model, by 
exploring ways to sophisticate and internationalize the East Asia 
model. The new East Asia mode is an international cooperation-type 
market economy. Under the model, an organization that promotes 
international cooperation in place of the government would formulate 
a transnational infrastructure development plan, industrial 
policies, and environmental measures. It would then give 
opportunities to the economic entities of each country to take part, 
based on market principles. Importance would be attached not only to 
the liberalization of trade and investment but also to economic 
cooperation and assistance to least developed nations, diminishing 
disparities within the region and between the south and the north. 
 
This Asian-type standard would receive international recognition and 
spread throughout the world. Japan would have to give in to China in 
terms of quantitative superiority. However, it would maintain 
qualitative superiority for the next 30 years or 50 years. Some say 
that ASEAN plus 3 would serve as a setting for China to seek 
hegemony. However, China lacks experience and intelligence. It still 
needs Japan. 
 
The recent financial crisis has revealed that U.S.-led Washington 
consensus is faulty. This is an opportunity for ASEAN plus 3, with 
the economic basis of the East Asia model, to build a new East Asia 
model. If Japan takes an ambiguous stance in which it appears to be 
rejecting this framework, it will miss out on a strategic 
opportunity. I hope that the Hatoyama administration will make a 
clear decision. 
 
(8) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties 
 
YOMIURI (Page 15) (Full) 
January 11, 2010 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures are percentages) 
 
Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet? 
 
Yes 56 
No 34 
Other answers (O/A) 5 
No answer (N/A) 6 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the foregoing question) 
Pick only one from among the following reasons for your approval of 
the Hatoyama cabinet. 
 
Something can be expected of its policy measures 23 
The prime minister is aiming to make policy decisions at the 
initiative of politicians 21 
The prime minister has leadership ability 2 
There's something stable about the prime minister 3 
His cabinet's lineup is good 8 
Because it's a non-Liberal Democratic Party government 39 
O/A 0 
N/A 4 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the foregoing question) Pick 
only one from among the following reasons for your disapproval of 
 
TOKYO 00000088  010 OF 015 
 
 
the Hatoyama cabinet. 
 
Nothing can be expected of its policy measures 22 
Nothing can be expected of its policy decisions made at the 
initiative of politicians 12 
The prime minister lacks leadership ability 39 
There's nothing stable about the prime minister 13 
His cabinet's lineup is not good 5 
Because it's a non-Liberal Democratic Party government 5 
O/A 2 
N/A 2 
 
Q: Which political party do you support now? Pick only one. 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 39 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 16 
New Komeito (NK) 3 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 3 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1 
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 1 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0 
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) 0 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0 
Other political parties 0 
None 35 
N/A 2 
 
Q: The Hatoyama cabinet is a tripartite coalition government of the 
DPJ, SDP, and PNP. Do you approve of this combination of political 
parties? 
 
Yes 25 
No 54 
N/A 10 
 
Q: Finance Minister Fujii has resigned and Deputy Prime Minister 
Naoto Kan has become his successor. Do you think this will have a 
positive or negative impact on the Hatoyama cabinet in running the 
government? 
 
Yes 47 
No 33 
N/A 21 
 
Q: Do you think Prime Minister Hatoyama has displayed leadership in 
running the government so far? 
 
Yes 18 
No 73 
N/A 8 
 
Q: Who do you think is the most influential political leader in the 
government and ruling parties? 
 
Prime Minister Hatoyama 10 
Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Naoto Kan 6 
DPJ Secretary General Ozawa 68 
SDP President Fukushima 4 
PNP President Kamei 4 
Others 0 
N/A 8 
 
 
TOKYO 00000088  011 OF 015 
 
 
Q: The Hatoyama cabinet has decided to abolish provisional gasoline 
surcharges but will instead introduce a system to maintain tax rates 
at the same level. Do you approve of this plan? 
 
Yes 41 
No 46 
N/A 12 
 
Q: The Hatoyama cabinet will raise the tobacco tax by about 5 yen 
per cigarette. Do you approve of this plan? 
 
Yes 69 
No 27 
N/A 4 
 
Q: The Hatoyama cabinet will not set an income limit for child 
allowances. Do you approve of this plan? 
 
Yes 34 
No 61 
N/A 6 
 
Q: The Hatoyama cabinet will issue government bonds for an all-time 
high of about 44 trillion yen, which is in excess of the estimated 
amount of tax revenues. Do you think this is unavoidable? 
 
Yes 44 
No 50 
N/A 6 
 
Q: Do you think the U.S. military's Futenma airfield in Okinawa 
Prefecture should be relocated in accordance with the agreement 
between Japan and the U.S., or do you think it should be moved out 
of Okinawa Prefecture or out of Japan? 
 
In accordance with the agreement 44 
Out of Okinawa Prefecture 13 
Out of Japan 30 
N/A 14 
 
Q: A former secretary of Prime Minister Hatoyama has been prosecuted 
for falsifying reports on political donations, and Mr. Hatoyama will 
stay on as prime minister. Do you approve of this? 
 
Yes 52 
No 40 
N/A 8 
 
Q: Do you think Prime Minister Hatoyama has provided a sufficient 
explanation on his own politics-and-money problems? 
 
Yes 17 
No 76 
N/A 6 
 
Q: Do you think DPJ Secretary General Ozawa has provided a 
sufficient explanation on his own politics-and-money problems about 
his fund-managing body? 
 
Yes 5 
No 91 
N/A 5 
 
TOKYO 00000088  012 OF 015 
 
 
 
Q: There will be an election this summer for the House of 
Councillors. Which political party's candidate or which political 
party are you going to vote for? 
 
DPJ 35 
LDP 20 
NK 3 
JCP 3 
SDP 1 
YP 2 
PNP 0 
RC 0 
NPN 0 
Other political parties 0 
Undecided 31 
N/A 5 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Jan. 8-10 across the 
nation on a computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. 
Households with one or more eligible voters totaled 1,777. Valid 
answers were obtained from 1,112 persons (63 PERCENT ). 
 
(Note) In some cases, the total percentage does not add up to 100 
PERCENT  due to rounding. 0 indicates that the figure was less than 
0.5. 
 
(9) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
January 12, 2010 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures are percentages. Parentheses denote the results of the last 
survey conducted Dec. 25-26 last year.) 
 
Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet? 
 
Yes 50.8 (47.2) 
No 33.2 (38.1) 
Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 16.0 (14.7) 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the previous question) What 
is the primary reason for your approval of the Hatoyama cabinet? 
Pick only one from among those listed below. 
 
The prime minister is trustworthy 6.5 (11.3) 
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan, 
Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 11.7 (7.5) 
The prime minister has leadership ability 0.5 (0.6) 
Something can be expected of its economic policies 10.8 (7.6) 
Something can be expected of its foreign policy 0.8 (1.3) 
Something can be expected of its political reforms 24.6 (22.0) 
Something can be expected of its tax reforms 3.5 (5.3) 
Something can be expected of its administrative reforms 13.9 (17.1) 
There's no other appropriate person (for prime minister) 25.5 
(25.6) 
Other answers (O/A) 0.0 (0.3) 
D/K+N/A 2.2 (1.4) 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the first question) What is 
the primary reason for your disapproval of the Hatoyama cabinet? 
 
TOKYO 00000088  013 OF 015 
 
 
Pick only one from among those listed below. 
 
The prime minister is untrustworthy 14.1 (16.5) 
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan, 
Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 11.3 (12.4) 
The prime minister lacks leadership ability 22.1 (24.1) 
Nothing can be expected of its economic policies 28.0 (20.4) 
Nothing can be expected of its foreign policy 5.1 (8.2) 
Nothing can be expected of its political reforms 6.8 (5.3) 
Nothing can be expected of its tax reforms 4.7 (6.4) 
Nothing can be expected of its administrative reforms 1.7 (1.6) 
Don't like the prime minister's personal character 3.3 (4.0) 
O/A 1.4 (0.1) 
D/K+N/A 1.5 (1.0) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support? 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 38.7 (36.1) 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 17.3 (23.7) 
New Komeito (NK) 3.4 (1.9) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2.9 (1.3) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 3.0 (1.8) 
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 2.7 (1.7) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.1 (1.1) 
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) --- (---) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.4 (0.6) 
Other political parties, groups 0.1 (---) 
None 30.6 (30.5) 
D/K+N/A 0.8 (1.3) 
 
Q: DPJ Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa's fund-managing body 
appropriated more than 400 million yen for such purposes as 
purchasing land in 2004. This transaction, however, was not 
described in its report on political funds for that year. Do you 
think Mr. Ozawa has provided a sufficient explanation on his own 
politics-and-money problems? 
 
Yes 0.9 
Yes to a certain extent 7.7 
Not very much 29.5 
No 55.9 
D/K+N/A 6.0 
 
Q: What do you think Mr. Ozawa should do if his former secretary or 
someone else involved is prosecuted over this unreported political 
fund appropriation? 
 
He should resign from his Diet membership to take responsibility 
25.3 
He should resign from his DPJ secretary general post to take 
responsibility 35.1 
He only needs to provide a sufficient explanation and take steps to 
improve the situation 34.6 
D/K+N/A 5.0 
 
Q: Finance Minister Hirohisa Fujii resigned from his cabinet post 
right after compiling the budget for fiscal 2010. It was right 
before the opening of the Diet session. Do you think this will 
affect Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama in running the government? 
 
Yes 21.8 
Yes to a certain extent 45.4 
 
TOKYO 00000088  014 OF 015 
 
 
Not very much 16.9 
No 9.8 
D/K+N/A 6.1 
 
 
Q: Deputy Prime Minister Naoto Kan has become finance minister as 
Mr. Fujii's successor. Do you have high expectations for Finance 
Minister Kan? 
 
Yes 28.9 
Yes to a certain extent 30.1 
Not very much 23.4 
No 11.8 
D/K+N/A 5.8 
 
Q: What would you like Finance Minister Kan to do first thing? 
 
Economic stimulus, job security measures 32.4 
Fiscal turnaround 13.1 
Elimination  of wasteful spending  29.5 
Finance Ministry reform, breakaway from bureaucratic control 9.5 
Drastic tax reforms, such as consumption tax hike 9.6 
High-yen countermeasures 1.4 
O/A --- 
D/K+N/A 4.5 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted across the nation on 
Jan. 10-11 by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random digit 
dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone numbers, 
those actually for household use with one or more eligible voters 
totaled 1,477. Answers were obtained from 1031 persons. 
 
(10) Child abduction and international divorce (Part 3): Sole 
custody system continues to produce tragedies in Japan; disruption 
of ties to son leads to suicide 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 26) (Full) 
January 12, 2010 
 
One morning, the 32-year-old son of Aiko Nakanishi, 58, of Inzai 
City, Chiba Prefecture, did not get up. Nakanishi went to his room 
to wake him only to find his dead body lying there. 
 
There were several suicide notes addressed to his parents and 
others. On the back of a picture of his three-year-old son, there 
was also a scrawled message reading "Listen to what your mother says 
and grow up to be a respectable man." 
 
Nakanishi's son, who was a university researcher, had decided to 
divorce his wife after he found out she was having an affair. He had 
been living separately from his wife for two months before he killed 
himself in July 2007. He was engaged in a fierce battle with his 
wife over who should raise their only son. 
 
"In Japan, where the mother usually takes care of the child, it is 
difficult for the father to win the custody of the child." 
Nakanishi's son was agonizing over the custody of his son, while 
checking for information on groups of parents who have been 
separated from their children after divorce. 
 
"He should have sought the custody of his son in court," Nakanishi 
said. "He shouldn't have killed himself." To comfort his son, 
 
TOKYO 00000088  015 OF 015 
 
 
Nakanishi had said to him, "You can have more children if you 
remarry." She now regrets making that remark. 
 
In Japan where sole custody is granted to one parent after divorce, 
there have been many cases in which the other parent without custody 
was not allowed to take part in childrearing. 
 
There are an increasing number of parents who are seeking chances to 
see their children regularly even after divorce with the aim of 
keeping the bond between parent and child alive. But there is no 
such system in Japan. The frequency and extent of visitations are 
left to talks between parents and court decisions. 
 
Fumi Ueno, 50, of Kunitachi City, Tokyo, divorced her husband 11 
years ago because of his violence. A family court arbitrator awarded 
the custody of her four-year-old son to her ex-husband, saying he 
was more financially capable of raising the child. 
 
Since then Ueno has not been able to see her son. Last fall she 
learned of the destination of the school excursion of her son, now a 
high school student, and headed for the destination in the hope of 
catching a glimpse of her son. Spotting her son right away at the 
destination, she cautiously took pictures of him with her camera 
phone. 
 
"Will he accept me again?" Ueno later filed a request with the 
family court for arbitration in seeking visitation rights with her 
son. 
 
Steve Christie, 53, a visiting university professor in Tokyo, has a 
son with his Japanese ex-wife. He has not been able to see his son 
freely. Their marriage deteriorated four years ago. His ex-wife 
disappeared with their son, a fifth grader at the time. 
 
Because his ex-wife falsely reported to the police about her 
"abusive husband," Christie was not able to grasp his son's 
whereabouts for three years. Although he knows his son's whereabouts 
now, his ex-wife is reluctant to let him see his son. "It's absurd. 
He is still my son," Christie said angrily. 
 
In the United States, it is common practice for both parents to be 
involved in raising their children even after divorce. Things are 
different in Japan. "If the divorce had been granted in the United 
States, I would have custody of my son," Christie said regretfully. 
 
Japan should look for ways to establish a system that allows both 
parents to take part in raising their children even after they are 
divorced. Parental roles do not end with divorce. 
 
ZUMWALT