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FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
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INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
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RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
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RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
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RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 0529
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RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 2525
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 9190
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 8614

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 09 TOKYO 000028 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  JAPANESE MORNING PRESS HIGHLIGHTS 01/06/10 
 
INDEX: 
(1) "Final coordination" underway for FM Okada to meet U.S. 
Secretary of State Clinton before Jan. 18 (Yomiuri) 
 
(2) PM Hatoyama's visit to Nanjing in June, PRC President Hu 
Jintao's visit to Hiroshima in November mulled (Yomiuri) 
 
(3) Interview with Deputy USTR Marantis: "Pacific Rim FTA will 
become core of Asian economy" (Nikkei) 
 
(4) Interview with Joseph Nye: The Japan-U.S. alliance is the 
cornerstone of stability (Yomiuri) 
 
(5) Editorial: Japan should take action while looking outward to 
enhance its value (Nikkei) 
 
(6) LDP Policy Research Council Chairman Shigeru Ishiba: 
Politicians' clear vision brings out the best in bureaucrats 
(Mainichi) 
 
(7) Quest for rare metals: Far short of achieving reserve goal due 
to delayed formulation of strategy (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) "Final coordination" underway for FM Okada to meet U.S. 
Secretary of State Clinton before Jan. 18 
 
YOMIURI (Page 1) (Full) 
Evening, January 6, 2010 
 
Satoshi Ogawa in Washington 
 
Vice Foreign Minister Mitoji Yabunaka met U.S. Deputy Secretary of 
State James Steinberg at the Department of State in the late 
afternoon on Jan. 5 (early morning on Jan. 6, Japan time). 
 
After the meeting, Yabunaka told reporters that "final coordination" 
is underway for Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada to visit the U.S. 
shortly to meet Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. Okada hopes to 
travel to the U.S. before the regular Diet session convenes on Jan. 
¶18. 
 
According to Yabunaka, at his meeting with Steinberg, he explained 
the government's policy in relation to the Futenma relocation issue 
and informed him that the committee for the examination of the 
Okinawa base issues of the government and the ruling parties will 
consider new relocation sites. The U.S. side reportedly "listened 
fully and intently." 
 
(2) PM Hatoyama's visit to Nanjing in June, PRC President Hu 
Jintao's visit to Hiroshima in November mulled 
 
YOMIURI (Page 1) (Full) 
Evening, January 6, 2010 
 
Satoshi Saeki in Beijing 
 
It was learned that China has made unofficial inquiries with a 
Japanese government source on an invitation for Prime Minister Yukio 
Hatoyama to visit Nanjing in Jiangsu Province around June in 
exchange for a visit by President Hu Jintao to Hiroshima in November 
 
TOKYO 00000028  002 OF 009 
 
 
in order to improve the nations' feelings toward each other. This 
was revealed by several sources on Japan-China relations on Jan. 6. 
By realizing the first visit by an incumbent Japanese prime minister 
in the postwar period to Nanjing, where the "Nanjing incident" 
occurred, China intends to grab the initiative in relations with 
Japan without resolving such issues as the joint development of gas 
fields in the East China Sea and the incidents of poisoned gyoza 
dumplings. 
 
An exchange of visits between the leaders of the two countries is 
being planned, with a visit to Japan by Premier Wen Jiaobao around 
April, a visit to China by Hatoyama around June 12 to coincide with 
Japan Day at the Shanghai Expo, and a visit to Japan by Hu during 
the APEC Summit in Yokohama in November. Hatoyama's visit to Nanjing 
is reportedly likely to be combined with his visit to Shanghai. 
 
According to the above sources, China believes that the "improvement 
of popular feelings on both sides is indispensable" for 
strengthening the "mutually beneficial strategic relationship" with 
the Hatoyama administration. Since the administration has adopted a 
stance of giving importance to China after its inauguration, China 
hopes to use Hatoyama's visit to Nanjing and expression of "deep 
remorse" for the past war to improve the Chinese people's feelings 
toward Japan. 
 
On the other hand, China reckons that Hu's visit to atomic-bombed 
Hiroshima to indicate understanding for Japan's position as a victim 
of the war will contribute to the improvement of Japanese feelings 
toward China. 
 
A Japanese government source looks at this development with caution, 
saying: "The number of casualties in the Nanjing incident is a 
contentious issue between the two countries. Whether the Prime 
Minister's visit will materialize depends on a political decision." 
 
(3) Interview with Deputy USTR Marantis: "Pacific Rim FTA will 
become core of Asian economy" 
 
NIKKEI (Page 7) (Full) 
January 4, 2010 
 
Takashi Osumi, Washington 
 
In an interview with the Nihon Keizai Shimbun, Deputy U.S. Trade 
Representative (USTR) Demetrios Marantis said, "The free trade 
agreement (FTA) in the Pacific Rim (in which eight countries 
including the United States, Singapore, and Australia will 
participate) is one of the core frameworks for economic integration 
in Asia. We will hold the first meeting of participating countries 
in March (in order to conclude a FTA)." 
 
The deputy USTR also said, "We will develop the Pacific Rim FTA into 
a large-scale agreement in the Asian region in the long term." With 
regard to Japan's participation, he indicated, "We are open to it. 
However, Japan does not appear to be ready to join, given (the issue 
of whether to liberalize) its agricultural sector." 
 
On the East Asian community initiative proposed by the Hatoyama 
administration, Marantis said, "I would like to hear from the 
Japanese government on what it is planning to do and how. We have a 
strong interest in the creation of a framework in the Asian region," 
expressing a sense of wariness about an Asian community initiative 
 
TOKYO 00000028  003 OF 009 
 
 
minus the participation of the United States. 
 
The deputy USTR made the following comment on Japan's review of 
postal privatization: "U.S. companies are concerned about whether a 
level playing field will be ensured. We have conveyed this to the 
Japanese government. We will continue to raise this issue (with the 
Japanese side) at every possible opportunity." 
 
(4) Interview with Joseph Nye: The Japan-U.S. alliance is the 
cornerstone of stability 
 
YOMIURI (Pages 1, 2) (Full) 
January 4, 2010 
 
Interviewer: Michiro Okamoto, chief of General Bureau for America 
 
There is no doubt that the U.S. government, especially the 
Department of Defense, is annoyed by the delay of a solution to the 
Futenma relocation beyond 2009. I am not worried if Prime Minister 
Yukio Hatoyama is merely postponing a conclusion until the House of 
Councillors election in summer. However, if the Prime Minister is 
against the Japan-U.S. alliance per se, that will be a cause of 
concern. 
 
If the Futenma issue remains unresolved and the Japan-U.S. 
relationship deteriorates, in the worst case, it is possible that 
U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) may be downsized and the reconfirmation of 
the Japan-U.S. alliance on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of 
the current bilateral security treaty may not get much attention. I 
think Prime Minister Hatoyama needs to make a greater effort to 
reassure the U.S. 
 
However, the Prime Minister has had little time after achieving the 
change of administration, and he has not consolidated his position. 
That, I think, is the reason for the present discord between Japan 
and the U.S. You could say that this is quite natural under a 
democratic system. 
 
Therefore, I disagree with the view that the Japan-U.S. alliance is 
in "crisis." The Japan-U.S. alliance carries much more weight than 
the Futenma issue. If you ask if the maintenance of the alliance for 
the next 20-30 years is in the interest of both countries, the 
answer is clearly "yes." 
 
The necessity of the Japan-U.S. alliance should also be quite 
evident to the Japanese people. If Japanese politicians ask the 
people whether Japan should deal with North Korea's nuclear threat 
single-handedly and without an ally or whether it should face rising 
China without an ally, the people will surely say "with an ally." 
 
Prime Minister Hatoyama once advocated a "security alliance without 
the permanent stationing of troops." If that is what Japan wants, we 
will withdraw. But I think that would be a big mistake for Japan. 
Japan has no desire to develop its own nuclear weapons as it faces 
up to the nuclear arms of North Korea, China, and Russia. If so, it 
needs the security guarantee of the United States, and the 
stationing of the USFJ makes that guarantee more credible. This is 
because any country that attacks Japan will not only be killing 
Japanese people, but also the Americans there. 
 
Militarily, if the Marines withdraw completely from Okinawa, it will 
not be possible to deal with a contingency in North Korea 
 
TOKYO 00000028  004 OF 009 
 
 
effectively. 
 
I believe that on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the 
security treaty this year, a declaration designating the Japan-U.S. 
alliance as the "cornerstone of stability in the 21st Century," 
similar to the 1996 Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration on Security, should 
be drawn up. Japan and the U.S. need to coordinate their policies 
today not only on security, but also in a broad range of areas, 
including climate change and energy. 
 
The Japan-U.S. security treaty has been in existence for only 50 
years. We are looking ahead to another 50 years in the future. 
 
I think the fact that President Obama made Japan the first stop on 
his tour of Asia last November and made a policy speech in Tokyo is 
of great significance. Although he stayed longest in China on the 
trip, that is probably because America had more pending issues with 
China than with Japan. 
 
Japan is the U.S.'s most important ally. I think it is wrong to 
compare China and Japan in importance to America. While Japan is a 
U.S. ally, China is not. One reason I am optimistic about the future 
of the bilateral alliance is that both countries will have to deal 
with the rise of China. 
 
In my opinion, the notion of G-2, consisting of the U.S. and China, 
is a bad idea. There is no way the U.S. and China alone can solve 
the myriad problems the world is facing. There should at least be 
G-4, taking in Japan and Europe, and it would be meaningless if 
issues are not considered within the G-20 framework. 
 
The assessment of Prime Minister Hatoyama's concept of an "East 
Asian community" will depend on what this concept means. It will not 
be a problem if the concept pertains to the Association of Southeast 
Asian Nations (ASEAN), the East Asian Summit, or such other existing 
bodies. However, if it means the exclusion of the U.S. from the East 
Asian economy, it will pose a serious problem. This is because, as 
President Obama stated, the U.S. is an "Asia Pacific nation" and is 
increasingly leaning toward trade with Asia. 
 
If the spirit of "yuai (fraternity)," which forms the basis of the 
Prime Minister's East Asian community concept, means good relations 
with Japan's neighbors, that is a good thing. If the U.S.'s ally, 
Japan deepens its relations with other countries and enhances its 
soft power, it will also be good for the United States. This is 
because the Japan-U.S. alliance will be the linchpin of the U.S.'s 
involvement in multilateral frameworks in Asia. 
 
With regard to whether the Prime Minister's idea of an "equal 
Japan-U.S. alliance" is possible, it will depend on what is meant by 
"equal." If it means that Japan should become a superpower 
possessing nuclear weapons, I don't think that is what the Japanese 
people want. 
 
Japan has not opted to take a path to "equality" in military 
capability. However, it is more advanced than the U.S. in certain 
aspects in areas such as measures to deal with climate change and 
energy. You could say that the two countries have an absolutely 
equal relationship. 
 
In my opinion, what Japan needs to do from now on is to maintain the 
Japan-U.S. alliance in order to create stability in East Asia. There 
 
TOKYO 00000028  005 OF 009 
 
 
can be no economic prosperity without stability. Furthermore, it 
should lead the world in the areas of climate change and energy 
together with the U.S. and China. Additionally, it should stimulate 
its own economy, restore rapid economic growth, and cooperate with 
other countries to maintain an open international economy for the 
sake of the stability of the world economy after the financial 
crisis. I believe this is precisely what Japan can contribute to the 
world's public property. 
 
(5) Editorial: Japan should take action while looking outward to 
enhance its value 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Slightly abridged) 
January 3, 2010 
 
Looking at a world globe, we can see that Japan is a small island 
country. The huge Eurasian continent is above Japan and the Korean 
Peninsula is situated diagonally to the left. Way on the other side 
of the vast Pacific Ocean is the North American Continent. Based on 
its geographical conditions, Japan would not be able to survive if 
it were isolated in the international community. But there are many 
causes for concern. 
 
Japan, U.S. should guide "growing China" in the right direction 
 
The year 2010 marks the 50th anniversary of the revision of the 
Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. Under the Hatoyama administration, 
however, dark clouds are hanging over Japan-U.S. relations. This 
year also marks the 100th anniversary of the conclusion of the 
Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty. Historical issues in the 20th century 
will inevitably cast a pall over Japan-South Korea relations this 
year. The current strained bilateral relations between Japan and the 
U.S. and between Japan and South Korea are making it difficult for 
the international community to deter North Korea from continuing to 
pose a nuclear threat to its neighbors. 
 
Considering the global situation as a whole, what sort of dynamics 
is the world operating on at present? The 15th session of the 
Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate 
Change (COP15) in Copenhagen about three weeks ago demonstrated the 
inner workings of the current global dynamics. 
 
In reality, it is difficult to reach a consensus under the principle 
of one vote per nation. China, which considers itself a 
representative of the group of developing countries, effectively had 
the right of veto. For Japan to try to persuade China (to accept an 
ambitious target to reduce greenhouse gas emissions), cooperation 
with the U.S. is absolutely necessary. Prime Minister Yukio 
Hatoyama, however, could not even meet with President Barack Obama 
in Copenhagen. 
 
At a banquet hosted by the Queen of Denmark, U.S. State Secretary 
Hillary Clinton sat next to Hatoyama, and they exchanged words. 
After returning to Washington, Clinton summoned Japanese Ambassador 
to the U.S. Ichiro Fujisaki to the State Department and expressed 
her protest against what Hatoyama later told reporters about the 
contents of his conversation with Clinton. 
 
Japan-U.S. relations are no longer "equal" or "close" because of 
Hatoyama's words and actions concerning the issue of relocating the 
U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station. Although the alarm bell was 
rung repeatedly, the prime minister was oblivious to it. 
 
TOKYO 00000028  006 OF 009 
 
 
 
According to an estimate by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), 
China's gross domestic product (GDP) is expected to surpass Japan's 
and move into second place. If interdependent relations are deepened 
between Japan and China particularly in the economic area, both 
nations will benefit, although this view might give Japanese people 
mixed feelings. 
 
Viewed in a historic light, rapidly emerging countries tend to cause 
friction with other countries. This was the main source of the two 
world wars in the 20th century. China, which has been rapidly 
growing, has created external friction over military expansion, 
environmental protection, and human rights. Efforts to have China 
blend into the international community are indispensable in order to 
stabilize global society in the 21st century. 
 
The Hatoyama administration has adopted the policy of distancing 
itself from the U.S. while approaching China. Will this foreign 
policy contribute to guiding China in the right direction?  At the 
conference in Copenhagen, this approach did not work effectively. 
 
There are two problems with the Hatoyama administration's foreign 
policy. One is the tendency to make light of national security and 
Japan-U.S. relations. An aide to Hatoyama has emphasized that the 
value of trade between Japan and the U.S. accounted for 13 PERCENT 
of the total while that between Japan and Asia, including China, 
made up about 50 PERCENT . 
 
This statement is not logical even in economic terms. The value of 
Japan's trade with China also includes trade with companies in which 
the U.S. has invested. In addition, many of the goods produced in 
China are eventually exported to the U.S. 
 
The second problem is the danger of the administration's 
antagonistic sentiment toward pro-U.S. policy. (The Democratic Party 
of Japan) has fostered this sentiment since it was an opposition 
party. The DPJ was looking at (the Liberal Democratic Party's) 
foreign policy from the viewpoint of domestic politics and opposed 
the LDP government's policy toward the U.S. 
 
The People's Daily has reported that Japan-U.S. relations are 
deteriorating. China is probably paying attention to this situation. 
Some people have suggested that China is apprehensive that Japan 
could lean toward the right. Southeast Asian countries, which fear 
that China might have more influence, are also worried about the 
current state of Japan-U.S. relations. 
 
Political speculations shrinking foreign policy 
 
In place of the Maritime Self-Defense Force's refueling mission in 
the Indian Ocean, which costs less than 10 billion yen annually, 
Japan has decided to disburse 90 billion yen annually for 
Afghanistan for five years. This checkbook diplomacy is a typical 
case in which political speculations have distorted the nation's 
foreign policy. 
 
The aid package will make it difficult for Japan to offer 
non-reimbursable aid to other developing countries. As a result, 
Japan's profile will weaken in the international community. This 
financial aid stemming from domestic political motives will reduce 
Japan's international influence. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000028  007 OF 009 
 
 
Some people in Japan are praising the Hatoyama administration's U.S. 
policy. This stance might be reflecting their distorted feelings 
caused by the recession. 
 
According to data released by the U.S. Institute of International 
Education, the number of foreign students in the U.S. was the 
highest on record in 2008. The number of students from India was 
highest, followed by China, South Korea, Canada, and Japan. Students 
from China increased by 21.1 PERCENT  over the previous year and 
those from India rose by 9.2 PERCENT . Students from South Korea and 
Canada grew by 8.6 PERCENT  and 2.2 PERCENT , respectively. But the 
increase rate of Japanese students was minus 13.9 PERCENT . 
 
Ironically enough, while Japan is heading toward Asia more eagerly 
than toward the U.S., Asia is heading toward the U.S. Under this 
situation, Japan might find itself becoming isolated in the 
international community in the future. 
 
The hollowing out of the Japan-U.S. alliance under the Hatoyama 
administration is reminiscent of the 25-year period from the 
abolishment of the Japan-Britain alliance in 1921 through Japan's 
defeat in World War II. In November, the importance of the 
Japan-U.S. alliance is expected to be reaffirmed (between the U.S. 
president and the Japanese prime minister). This occasion should be 
made into a turning point. As we think deeply about historical 
issues in the 20th century, we should take a closer look at the 
globe. 
 
(6) LDP Policy Research Council Chairman Shigeru Ishiba: 
Politicians' clear vision brings out the best in bureaucrats 
 
MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) 
January 4, 2010 
 
(Comments by Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Policy Research Council 
Chairman Shigeru Ishiba as summarized by Takahiro Hirata) 
 
While they call for political leadership, what is happening is 
bureaucrats are using politicians to grab the initiative. A typical 
example is government project screening. The mass media got involved 
and this was very popular among the people. The Ministry of Finance 
wrote the script. I think without the project screening, the cabinet 
support rating would have dropped to the 30 percent level. 
 
The politicians have also started to run out of control in the name 
of political leadership. The issue of the relocation of the U.S. 
forces' Futenma Air Station is a case in point. The bureaucrats of 
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Defense and the 
Self-Defense Force officers are aghast at this whole process. Think 
of the extent of damage to the Japan-U.S. relationship of trust and 
how much the regional security environment has been weakened. 
 
The young senior vice ministers and parliamentary secretaries of the 
Hatoyama administration give the people the impression that they are 
working very hard, and this props up the approval rating of the 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). Under the LDP administration, Diet 
members serving second terms were appointed as parliamentary 
secretaries while those serving third or fourth terms became senior 
vice ministers, and those serving fifth terms were named cabinet 
ministers for organizational reasons. Since the number of positions 
was limited, these officials had to be rotated frequently. Even 
people with the most outstanding expertise and sense of mission were 
 
TOKYO 00000028  008 OF 009 
 
 
unable to accomplish their duties in such short periods. 
 
When I was agriculture minister, people openly called for my 
dismissal at the LDP Agriculture and Forestry Division. This was 
because I did not build my career in that division. During the House 
of Councillors election of 2007, when I argued at the division that 
"agricultural administration from now on should work toward shifting 
the cost from the consumers to the taxpayers," I was condemned by my 
colleagues who asked, "Are you a DPJ member?" 
 
However, placing the burden on the consumers to protect agriculture 
is no longer tenable in present-day international trade. The LDP did 
not listen to such an argument. Still, the LDP administration was 
able to survive by just listening to the briefings of the 
bureaucrats. 
 
I do not deny that the LDP's Policy Research Council went too far in 
certain aspects of its relations with the bureaucrats. Some people 
summoned the bureaucrats to the LDP divisions and berated them. On 
the other hand, the bureaucrats were smart, so they were obedient on 
the surface but defiant at heart. They would throw out some sort of 
bait and go ahead and implement policies as they liked. If the 
politicians do not have a clear vision and do not exercise 
leadership, the bureaucracy will become corrupt no matter how 
capable the bureaucrats are. 
 
My approach to dealing with the bureaucrats was developed during my 
days in the opposition (as a member of the (defunct) New Frontier 
Party). The bureaucrats will not tell you anything. You need to read 
books and listen to people in the field and think for yourself. 
 
If the LDP returns to power, it should absolutely not adopt the 
attitude of "taking it easy and leaving things in the hands of the 
bureaucrats." The DPJ's style of not involving the bureaucrats and 
doing everything by themselves is also wrong. I would like to build 
a new type of relationship between politicians and bureaucrats under 
which politicians with a clear vision provide leadership to a 
bureaucracy with a sense of mission. 
 
(7) Quest for rare metals: Far short of achieving reserve goal due 
to delayed formulation of strategy 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) 
January 6, 2010 
 
Rare metals are essential for manufacturing high-technology 
products, such as automobiles and IT equipment - Japan's strong 
assets. The Democratic Part of Japan (DPJ) in its policy manifesto 
for the Lower House election stated that it will establish a system 
to secure a stable supply of rare metals and promote the 
establishment of a system for reuse and diplomacy toward 
resource-rich nations. However, there have been few media reports on 
its specific actions. What policy course does the government 
envision for securing rare metals? 
 
The Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) last July 
compiled a strategy for securing rare metals, which includes four 
policies: (1) securing overseas resources; (2) recycling; (3) 
development of alternative materials; and (4) stockpiling. Only the 
stockpiling policy has been put into force. In fiscal 1983, the 
government launched a national rare metal stockpiling system. 
 
 
TOKYO 00000028  009 OF 009 
 
 
U.S., China, and South Korea ahead of Japan 
 
Japan's stockpiling system targets nine rare metals, including 
nickel and tungsten. The goal is to stockpile a 60-days' worth of 
the metals in terms of domestic consumption. Of that amount, the 
state stockpiling goal is to cover a 42-days' worth. However, the 
stockpiles as of the end of March 2009 stood at a 22.2-days' worth 
on average. Japan Oil, Gas and Metals National Corporation (JOGMEC), 
an independent administrative agency, is storing the state 
stockpiles at a warehouse in Takahagi City, Ibaraki Prefecture. 
 
The U.S. started adopting a stockpiling system for minerals 
containing rare metals in 1939. China also started a similar system 
in 1953. South Korea started one in 1967 with the aim of stabilizing 
the domestic market. 
 
Japan has at long last stepped up its efforts to tackle the issue, 
following an increase in the importance of stockpiling rare metals 
as a result of a sharp rise in their prices in recent years. The 
government added indium and gallium to the above-mentioned strategy 
to secure rare metal resources. 
 
Recycling 
 
The recycling project introduced in the article on page 1 was 
launched as the Koden (disused small consumer-electronic appliances) 
Project in fiscal 2006. At first, it was started as an independent 
project by Akita Prefecture. The area for collecting such products 
was at first limited to Odate City. However, the project was later 
expanded to cover the entire prefecture. The state at last became 
serious about the project with the Ministry of Trade, Economy and 
Industry (METI) and the Environment Ministry adopting it as a model 
project to collect disused electronic products. The number of 
regions adopting this system grew to seven throughout the nation. 
 
Under the project, disused small consumer-electronic appliances, 
such as digital cameras and cell phones, are collected at 
supermarkets, electronics retail stores and community centers. The 
types and amounts of products collected are surveyed, and the 
contents of the rare metals in each product item are also 
investigated to gather useful data for designing a recycling 
system. 
 
Rare metal worth 100 yen contained in one cell phone 
 
Last November, METI launched a disused cell phone collection project 
(Tansu-Keitai Atsumetai project). The campaign will continue until 
the end of February this year. The purpose of the campaign is to 
encourage consumers to bring in disused cell phones by giving away 
gift certificates worth up to 50,000 yen to contributors by lottery, 
so as to survey the amounts and types of cell phones collected. 
 
According to METI, one cell phone contains rare metal worth 100 yen. 
Approximately 88,000 disused handsets were brought in in the first 
10 days of the campaign. Some electronics retailers collected about 
40 times the amount of cell phones collected in the previous year. 
 
ROOS