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RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 9373
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 8791

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 13 TOKYO 000118 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 01/20/10 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Editorial: Japan-U.S. Security Treaty marks 50th anniversary in 
the midst of a cold front (Nikkei) 
 
(2) Japan-U.S. Security Treaty marks 50th anniversary: 
Transformation to be tested (Asahi) 
 
(3) Japan's future course - 50th anniversary of revision of 
Japan-U.S. Security Treaty (Part 2-1): Foundation of alliance faces 
turbulent times (Yomiuri) 
 
(4) Arrested Lower House member Ishikawa, former aide to DPJ's 
Ozawa, testifies that Ozawa approved of false political fund report; 
prosecutors to pursue Ozawa's criminal liability (Yomiuri) 
 
(5) If Ozawa loses his post, the government will immediately go 
along with existing Futenma relocation plan (Mainichi) 
 
(6) Four days until Nago mayoral election: Construction company 
president thinks military bases are no good (Asahi) 
 
(7) Five days until Nago mayoral election: New "adults" want to see 
the results first (Asahi) 
 
(8) Six days until Nago mayoral election: Sugarcane farmer says 
harvest more important than bases now (Asahi) 
 
(9) SDP Okinawa base issues project team chairman views Saga Airport 
as "best location" for Futenma relocation site (Asahi) 
 
(10) U.S. government plan to collect special tax: Japanese financial 
institutions bewildered (Nikkei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Editorial: Japan-U.S. Security Treaty marks 50th anniversary in 
the midst of a cold front 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
January 18, 2010 
 
The current Japan-U.S. Security treaty was signed on January 19, 
1960, at the White House by then Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi and 
President Dwight Eisenhower. Unlike the previous day which was cold 
and sleety, it was sunny and bright that day in Washington, 
according to the Nikkei on January 20, 1960. 
 
Now, the Japan-U.S. alliance faces a cold wind as it marks its 50th 
anniversary under Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and President Barack 
Obama. The Japan-U.S. relationship has had its ups and downs over 
the last half-century, but it has never been this icy. 
 
Gap in views on Japan-U.S. mutual dependence 
 
The reason for the cold front lies in Prime Minister Hatoyama's 
stance toward the United States. His goal of achieving an equal and 
close Japan-U.S. alliance is not a problem in and of itself. The 
problem is that the Hatoyama administration has presented no vision 
on security, the core of the Japan-U.S. alliance, including Japan's 
role. Although the administration is calling for independence from 
the United States, it might actually end up increasing Japan's 
 
TOKYO 00000118  002 OF 013 
 
 
dependence on the United States. 
 
The Nikkei, which reported on the signing of the security treaty, 
headlined its front page story, "Japan clearly joins the free 
world." The signature by Prime Minister Kishi in 1960 at the height 
of the Cold War meant that Japan opted for the U.S.-led Western bloc 
rather than for the Soviet-led Eastern bloc. 
 
Symbolized by the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the Cold War 
ended with the victory of the Western bloc. The so-called 1955 
system composed of the Liberal Democratic Party and Japan Socialist 
Party (JSP), which was a Japanese version of the Cold War, ended 
with the decline of the JSP, along with the end of the Cold War. 
 
Twenty years later, the chilly Japan-U.S. relationship today is 
partly ascribable to the Social Democratic Party - a party derived 
from the JSP, a party that lost power - which has strong influence 
on the security polity of the Hatoyama coalition administration. At 
this point, the domestic political situation offers little hope for 
climbing out of the chilly relationship with the United States. 
 
In 1960, Japan's gross domestic product (GDP) accounted for 4.2 
percent of the global total, and the United States' GDP was 11.5 
times greater than Japan's. Washington probably did not recognize 
anything illogical about the operation of the one-sided security 
treaty that is not premised on the exercise of the right to 
collective self-defense by Japan because the global GDP shares of 
Japan and the United States were both growing. 
 
The Japan-U.S. security relationship was reaffirmed in 1996 after 
the end of the Cold War. That year, the two countries released a 
joint security declaration to cope with changes in the security 
environment resulting from the proliferation of threats, including 
North Korea's suspected nuclear programs. The move also reflected a 
change in economic power -- Japan and the United States were moving 
closer to each other in terms of economic might. 
 
The latest data in 1994 showed that Japan's GDP was 18.2 percent of 
the global total - more than a four-fold increase since 1960. The 
United States' GDP was 1.4 times Japan's. The difference between the 
two countries had shrunk noticeably, and the United States urged 
Japan to play a role befitting its economic strength. 
 
Following the issuance of the joint security declaration, Japan and 
the United States began reviewing their security cooperation 
guidelines and produced a new set of guidelines. The Law Concerning 
the Measures for Peace and Safety of Japan in Situations in Areas 
Surrounding Japan was also enacted. In addition, people began 
vocally calling for a review of the constitutional interpretation 
that prohibits the exercise of the right to collective 
self-defense. 
 
The current situation is cumbersome. In 2008, the United States' GDP 
was 23.4 percent of the world's total, while Japan's was 8.1 
percent. The United States' share decreased slightly compared with 
14 years ago and Japan's dropped sharply. The difference between the 
two countries increased to 2.9 times. 
 
The shares of both Japan and the United States have suffered 
setbacks, albeit in differing degrees, due to the rise of emerging 
powers, including China. Although they will explore ways for mutual 
dependence, the two countries are susceptible to sentiments of not 
 
TOKYO 00000118  003 OF 013 
 
 
wanting to be relied on by another. These sentiments will become an 
important factor that influences the bilateral alliance over the 
next 50 years. 
 
If there is some degree of support in Japan for the Hatoyama 
administration's departure from the United States, that must be a 
reflection of such sentiments. Even if such sentiments are 
acceptable in peacetime, the Japan-U.S. alliance will become 
dysfunctional if a crisis occurs. An alliance that does not function 
during a crisis is nothing but a pie in the sky. 
 
Toward a larger alliance 
 
On Jan. 7, The New York Times published an op-ed contribution by 
Harvard University Professor Joseph Nye, known for the Nye 
initiative that enable the shift to a Japan policy that attached 
importance on the economy and made light of security under the 
Clinton administration that was launched in 1993. In his 
contribution titled "An Alliance Larger Than One Issue," Nye sounded 
an alarm for the United States about the current situation in which 
the Japan-U.S. alliance could be undermined by the Futenma issue 
alone. 
 
Although this seems like a helping hand for the Hatoyama 
administration, it is not. For a larger alliance to function, China, 
for instance, must be integrated into the international community to 
prevent it from posing threats. Can we expect that of the Hatoyama 
administration, which is being supported by a ruling party that sent 
143 lawmakers to China at a time when the Japan-U.S. alliance is 
deteriorating? 
 
"Now let's have some questions on matters other than the Futenma 
issue," the moderator said during a seminar held in Washington on 
Jan. 15 commemorating the 50th anniversary of the signing of the 
security treaty. This is the reality of the Japan-U.S. alliance at 
this point in time. 
 
The Hatoyama administration has successfully turned Washington's 
interest to Japan for the first time since the 1980-1990s when 
economic conflicts were intense. But this accomplishment does not 
serve the interests of Japan. This anomalous Japan-U.S. relationship 
must come to an end at the earliest possible time. 
 
(2) Japan-U.S. Security Treaty marks 50th anniversary: 
Transformation to be tested 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
January 19, 2010 
 
By Yoichi Kato, Editorial board member 
 
The Japan-U.S. Security Treaty marks the 50th anniversary of its 
conclusion on Jan. 19. The pact has survived for half a century 
because the Japan-U.S. alliance based on the pact has changed with 
the international situation. Whether the pact will continue to be 
valid depends on whether it can maintain its flexibility. 
 
The former security treaty was signed in 1951 as a treaty to 
legitimatize the U.S. occupation of Japan, according to a 
Self-Defense Forces (SDF) officer. It was turned into a new treaty 
in 1960 with such revisions as the U.S. obligation to defend Japan, 
etc., added to it. The basic structure of the pact is that Japan 
 
TOKYO 00000118  004 OF 013 
 
 
provides military bases to the U.S. military (Article 6) in return 
for the U.S. defending Japan (Article 5). This has not changed even 
today. 
 
The pact carried its own strategic meaning, transcending the mere 
extension of the occupation during the Cold War period. Since the 
Japanese Archipelago is located in a position capable of blocking 
the entry of the U.S.S.R. Far East forces into the Pacific Ocean, 
defending Japan automatically contributed to the U.S. strategy of 
containing the U.S.S.R. 
 
However, after this raison d'etre of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty 
vanished with the collapse of the U.S.S.R., the alliance temporarily 
lost its direction. The alliance was redefined from 1995 through 
1996 to reconstruct its significance. 
 
The Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration on Security, released in April 
1996, acknowledged that the Japan-U.S. alliance is the basis of the 
stabilization and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region, going 
beyond the defense of Japan. Both countries also agreed to 
strengthen measures to deal with contingencies in areas surrounding 
Japan, with contingencies on the Korean Peninsula in mind. 
 
That was 14 years ago. Japan and the U.S. now intend to redefine and 
re-acknowledge the pact on the occasion of the 50th anniversary. 
Major changes have occurred in the world's security environment 
since it was redefined previously, including the 9/11 terrorist 
attacks on the U.S. and the rise of China. 
 
The Japan-U.S. alliance is now faced with three challenges - changes 
caused by the rise of China, a regional-level challenge of how to 
deal with the buildup of China's naval power in particular, and a 
transnational threat as symbolized by the war against terrorism - as 
 well as the defense of Japan. 
 
Furthermore, as envisaged in Article 5 of the treaty, as the 
probability of a contingency in Japan decreases, the importance of 
duties other than engaging in battles and deterrence, such providing 
humanitarian assistance, rescue operations in the event of 
disasters, and anti-piracy operations, has increased, bringing yet 
another change to the alliance. 
 
In addition, in the U.S., the idea of streamlining its involvement 
in the world by reducing its role as a global police force through 
having its allies, such as Japan, take over this role, has surfaced 
in recent years. President Obama in his acceptance speech for the 
Nobel Peace Prize stressed, "The U.S. cannot act alone in the world 
now, where threats are more diffuse and duties to ensure security 
are becoming more complex." 
 
In order to cope with these changes, the Japan-U.S. alliance has 
already been globalized and its tasks have become diversified. The 
Japan-U.S. alliance is about to become the Japan-U.S. alliance for 
the world (as agreed at the bilateral summit in 2003). The problem 
is whether the two countries will continue to proceed in that 
direction. 
 
In Japan, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has come up with an 
initiative for an Asian Community designed to build regional 
confidence. The U.S. is recently showing interest in new 
multilateral frameworks, such as Japan-U.S.-Australia, 
Japan-U.S.-South Korea and Japan-U.S.-India frameworks. These are 
 
TOKYO 00000118  005 OF 013 
 
 
multilayered security networks. Some researchers have pointed out 
that making an issue over Japan-U.S. relations itself is outmoded, 
as Professor emeritus Akira Irie of Harvard University noted in the 
February edition of the monthly journal Sekai. 
 
Even if the alliance is to be strengthened and expanded within the 
existing framework, there is a paradox in that the revised 
interpretation of the treaty has significantly transcended the role 
of the alliance as prescribed in the treaty. 
 
The next 50 years will be a test of how to use the Japan-U.S. 
alliance in a world in which the process of transnationalization is 
in full swing and how the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty should be 
transformed to achieve that end. 
 
(3) Japan's future course - 50th anniversary of revision of 
Japan-U.S. Security Treaty (Part 2-1): Foundation of alliance faces 
turbulent times 
 
YOMIURI (Page 1) (Full) 
January 16, 2010 
 
The Republic of Djibouti, an arid country in the northeast part of 
Africa, is located about 10,000 kilometers from Japan. In that 
country, where the movie "Planet of the Apes" was filmed, 
Self-Defense Force (SDF) troops have stayed with U.S. troops at a 
U.S. base facing Gulf of Aden and worked alongside them in 
antipiracy operations off Somalia. 
 
Two P-3C patrol planes of the Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) 
started engaging in antipiracy operations last June. The two 
aircraft take turns patrolling to spot pirates' boats from about 900 
meters and take photos of unidentified ships, such as ships 
transporting ladders. The photos are promptly analyzed, and the 
results of this analysis and other details are promptly conveyed to 
the U.S. military and other concerned parties. 
 
The two aircraft have made 126 flights and identified about 8,700 
ships so far. About 820 cases have been reported to the concerned 
parties. A U.S. government source said: "(The MSDF) has contributed 
the most to cracking down on piracy in this region." 
 
About 160 members of the Maritime Self-Defense Force and the Ground 
Self-Defense Force on a mission of guarding MSDF personnel and 
patrol aircraft are living under the same roof with U.S. soldiers. A 
SDF member said: "Burgers are served every day, so we sometimes 
offer buckwheat soba (noodles)." 
 
For Japan, which greatly depends on the Middle East for its oil 
imports, the Gulf of Aden is a vital sea lane. But Japan has 
entrusted the task of ensuring the safety of Japanese commercial 
ships to other countries since the end of World War II as Japan has 
long been hesitant about allowing the SDF to engage in overseas 
operations. The members of the coalition government - the Democratic 
Party of Japan (DPJ), the Social Democratic Party, and the People's 
New Party - now indicate their understanding about Japan's 
involvement in antipiracy operations, but they were all opposed to 
an antipiracy bill that was enacted into law last June when they 
were opposition parties. 
 
The Hatoyama administration terminated the MSDF's refueling mission 
in the Indian Ocean on Jan. 15. The refueling operation was Japan's 
 
TOKYO 00000118  006 OF 013 
 
 
symbolic manpower contribution to the U.S.-led war on terror. In 
addition, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has declared the government 
would review the existing plan agreed on in 2006 between Japan and 
the U.S. the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air 
Station. Due to such circumstances, the foundation of the Japan-U.S. 
alliance is now facing turbulent times. 
 
In Djibouti, Japan and the U.S. continue to conduct joint antipiracy 
operations. The SDF's antipiracy efforts have made Japan's presence 
more strongly felt in that country. The MSDF's withdrawal from the 
Indian Ocean showed that a political decision can easily destroy 
such a cooperative relationship. 
 
The Japan-U.S. alliance is based on the revised Japan-U.S. Security 
Treaty in 1960. In Article 5 of the treaty, the United States' 
obligation to defend Japan is specified. Article 6 provides for the 
presence of the U.S. military in Japan, and these are the core 
elements of the treaty. In recent years, Japan and the U.S. have 
actively carried out joint military operations overseas, but such 
activities are not core elements of the alliance even though they 
have contributed to indirectly solidifying the bilateral alliance. 
It is also true that it is impossible for the SDF alone to protect 
Japan's safety. 
 
The U.S. has already started studying what to do if Japan becomes a 
"less trustworthy ally," as former deputy undersecretary of defense 
Richard Lawless put it, and if the U.S. cannot regard Japan-U.S. 
relations as a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy. Behind this move 
in the U.S., there is apparently a political motive to fill in the 
gaps created by "Japan's eclipse" by giving priority to negotiations 
with China over Japan and strengthening relations with South Korea. 
 
Given that China has rapidly grown in the economic and military 
areas and North Korea's nuclear development is ongoing, the U.S. has 
become skeptical about the reliability of the Japan-U.S. alliance. 
It is still uncertain what course the Hatoyama administration is 
going to select for the alliance in the 21st century. 
 
(4) Arrested Lower House member Ishikawa, former aide to DPJ's 
Ozawa, testifies that Ozawa approved of false political fund report; 
prosecutors to pursue Ozawa's criminal liability 
 
YOMIURI (Top play) (Lead paragraph) 
Evening, January 20, 2010 
 
It was learned from an informed source that in connection with the 
violation of the Political Funds Control Law involving the money 
used to purchase land by Rikuzan-kai, the fund management 
organization of Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary General 
Ichiro Ozawa, House of Representatives member Tomohiro Ishikawa 
(DPJ), 36, who has been arrested, testified during the investigation 
of the Tokyo District Prosecutors Office's Special Investigation 
Division that he reported to Ozawa in October 2004, shortly before 
the time of the land purchase, that he would not record the 400 
million yen used to purchase land in the political fund accounting 
report for that year and obtained Ozawa's approval. The Special 
Investigation Division suspects that Ozawa conspired with Ishikawa 
and others in advance with regard to falsifying the political fund 
report and is conducting the investigation with a view to pursue 
Ozawa's criminal liability. 
 
(5) If Ozawa loses his post, the government will immediately go 
 
TOKYO 00000118  007 OF 013 
 
 
along with existing Futenma relocation plan 
 
MAINICHI (Page 2) (Abridged slightly) 
January 18, 2010 
 
"There might be forces that are maneuvering to destroy (DPJ 
Secretary General Ichiro) Ozawa," Denny Tamaki said with a concerned 
look on his face on the morning of Jan. 17, the day the official 
campaign for the mayoral election in Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, 
opened. Tamaki, a Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) House of 
Representatives member representing the Okinawa No. 4 constituency, 
was attending a kick-off ceremony for the race. 
 
Nago is the relocation site for the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air 
Station (in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture) in accordance with a 
Japan-U.S. agreement. All eyes are on moves by Ozawa who has strong 
influence on the ruling bloc regarding the Futenma relocation issue 
on which the three ruling parties have different views. 
 
Tamaki held talks with Ozawa at DPJ headquarters on Dec. 28. In the 
session, Tamaki asked for the party's support for a new candidate 
calling for moving Futenma outside Okinawa, highlighting the need to 
play up the change of government. DPJ headquarters sent Deputy 
Secretary General Koji Sato, who is close to Ozawa, to a meeting to 
explain how to make petitions, held in Nago on Jan. 13. "I sensed 
the force of the ruling party," said a 51-year-old agricultural 
organization executive who attended the meeting. 
 
The DPJ heavily relies on Ozawa's "divine power" for elections. What 
will happen if Ozawa has to leave the post of secretary general? "It 
is a matter that concerns only one lawmaker. There will be no impact 
(on the Futenma issue)," Tamaki noted as if to dispel concerns. 
 
The Nago race is also causing a stir in the Social Democratic Party 
(SDP), which wants to see Futenma moved outside Okinawa or even 
outside Japan. "What decision are the citizens of Nago going to make 
on the plan to build a huge offshore base?" SDP head Mizuho 
Fukushima said to reporters in Tokyo on Jan. 17 regarding the Nago 
mayoral election. "It is of great significance. We cannot afford to 
lose this election." Another SDP executive also noted: "We have been 
able to get our point (to search for options other than the existing 
plan) across, thanks to the Hatoyama-Ozawa leadership." 
 
Ozawa, who leads the Hatoyama administration's pledge to build a 
close and equal Japan-U.S. alliance, abhors the idea of Japan 
blindly following the United States, a policy course pursued under 
the previous administration led by the Liberal Democratic Party. 
Ozawa held a year-end party with executives of the SDP and the 
People's New Party on Dec. 29 in which Ozawa mentioned Shimoji 
Island as a possible Futenma relocation site. 
 
The Shimoji Island option immediately spread throughout the 
government, and Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano visited the 
island on Jan. 10. This gave momentum to the view that there will be 
no settlement under the existing plan. "If Mr. Ozawa loses his post, 
the Futenma issue will immediately proceed with a resolution under 
the existing plan," a senior SDP lawmaker said. "I want the storm to 
pass as soon as possible." 
 
(6) Four days until Nago mayoral election: Construction company 
president thinks military bases are no good 
 
 
TOKYO 00000118  008 OF 013 
 
 
ASAHI (Page 34) (Full) 
January 20, 2010 
 
Hisatoshi Tanaka 
 
The mayoral election candidates are rarely seen on the streets of 
Nago City in Okinawa. On Jan. 19, the incumbent mayor was busy 
visiting his supporters and local companies. The neophyte candidate 
was also visiting companies until he came out on the streets on a 
bicycle in the afternoon. 
 
At a construction company with its office in an old building in the 
center of the city, the president of the company in his 60s sighed 
as he looked at the fliers of both candidates. 
 
The leaflet of the incumbent mayor shows the image of a fishing port 
with an outlet for fishery products in the shape of a spaceship. The 
neophyte's leaflet calls for a train line from Nago to Naha. The 
president murmured: "It would really be nice if these could be 
realized." 
 
This is a small company with only a handful of employees. It handles 
projects such as replacing street signs at the port or repairing 
roads. It has survived so far by receiving contracts from the 
prefectural or city government. 
 
Although the government is supposed to have spent a total of 77 
billion yen in 10 years for economic development in return for 
accepting the relocation of the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station, 
this company does not feel that it has profited from this. A few 
years ago, the company was at the brink of bankruptcy. "Where has 
all the money gone?" 
 
In the 1997 referendum on whether to accept Futenma's relocation, 
the president followed the example of other people in the 
construction industry and voted for "yes" after agonizing. He also 
voted for the candidate endorsed by the construction industry in the 
three subsequent mayoral elections. 
 
However, a U.S. military helicopter crashed onto the campus of the 
Okinawa International University next door to the Futenma base in 
August 2004. The children of his acquaintances went to that 
university. He came to conclude that "bases are no good." In the 
general election last August, he voted for the Democratic Party of 
Japan, in the hope that it might be possible for Futenma to be moved 
out of Okinawa. 
 
The company president is in doubt about the forthcoming mayoral 
election. While the neophyte candidate is opposed to Futenma 
relocation, he used to be a senior city official who accepted the 
relocation. It is unclear to what extent he will really oppose the 
relocation. The incumbent mayor appears to be likely to try to get 
work for the local companies, but he accepts Futenma's relocation. 
This president is unable to decide whom to vote for. 
 
He did not attend the gathering in support of the incumbent mayor 
organized by the local construction companies on the evening of Jan. 
¶18. He was invited but he did not go. He was afraid that if he 
participated, he might get carried away. The president stated 
repeatedly: "I am opposed to the bases." However, what should he do 
about his company and his livelihood? He cannot help thinking about 
that. 
 
TOKYO 00000118  009 OF 013 
 
 
 
(7) Five days until Nago mayoral election: New "adults" want to see 
the results first 
 
ASAHI (Page 38) (Full) 
January 19, 2010 
 
Satoshi Okumura 
 
On the morning of Jan. 18, pre-election day voting started for the 
Nago mayoral election. Groups of people in working clothes riding in 
minivans, mothers holding the hands of their kids, elderly couples, 
and other voters arrived at the prefabricated shed opposite city 
hall that served as the polling station. A total of 1,413 people 
cast their votes on the first day, which is 1.5 times the number for 
the last election. 
 
Shoki Matsuda, 20, a new "adult" who has recently reached the legal 
voting age, has no intention to cast his vote. He woke up just 
before noon and then went to town in central Okinawa. He passed by 
an election campaign van but just glanced at it. "Nothing will 
change even if the mayor changes. They should first show us the 
results." 
 
Three years ago, Matsuda went to the Japanese mainland with the 
ambition of becoming a professional martial artist. In late 2008, he 
came back to Nago to become the organizer of the coming-of-age 
event. He says he talks about the issue of the relocation of the 
U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station with his classmates. 
 
His parents told him to vote for the incumbent mayor, who accepts 
Futenma relocation, but there are people who are agonizing, thinking 
it's not right to reclaim the sea, and there are those who were 
recruited by the construction companies they worked for to 
participate in rallies... "Bonds in the local community are not 
necessarily beneficial." 
 
At 6:00 p.m. a Chinese character formed by light bulbs shined from 
halfway up the mountain overlooking the center of Nago. This is an 
annual event organized by young people turning 20 in that year that 
is taking place for the 15th time. The character chosen right after 
the referendum in 1998 which sharply divided the Nago citizens was 
"wa (harmony)." This year, "on (debt of gratitude)" was chosen. 
Matsuda suggested it to "express gratitude to our parents, friends 
and the local residents who have given us support." 
 
Matsuda will return to the mainland in late January. He just quit 
the resort hotel that he had been working for for a year on Jan. 7. 
The hotel is in a location that overlooks Henoko, Futenma's 
relocation site. He said: "The sea in Nago is like my backyard. 
However, Okinawa cannot survive without the bases. Things have been 
at a standstill for over 10 years. If there is ever a mayor who can 
settle the base issue, he will be loved for life." 
 
Voter turnout for mayoral elections has been declining. The turnout 
last time was 74.98 percent, which was lower than the turnout for 
1998 by about 7 percentage points. 
 
(8) Six days until Nago mayoral election: Sugarcane farmer says 
harvest more important than bases now 
 
ASAHI (Page 38) (Full) 
 
TOKYO 00000118  010 OF 013 
 
 
January 18, 2010 
 
Masaki Kono 
 
On the afternoon of Jan. 17, the incumbent mayor and the neophyte 
candidate gave speeches at different times in Henoko in Nago City, 
Okinawa, the relocation site of the U.S. forces' Futenma Air 
Station. 
 
"All of you have suffered for a long time." 
 
"This is an important election both for Nago and for Okinawa." 
 
This is harvest time for sugarcane in the Makiya district north of 
Nago City, about 10 kilometers from Henoko on the other side of the 
mountain. The sound coming from the loudspeaker on the election 
campaign van can be heard from the other side of the sugarcane 
field. 
 
Seiichi Nagata, 60, who had been cutting down sugarcane with his 
wife since morning, told us without stopping his work: "They pass by 
everyday recently." He is not uninterested in the election, but 
right now, the harvest is more important. Machines are not used. 
Sugarcane is cut down carefully by hand. The relocation issue in 
faraway Henoko rarely comes up in conversation. 
 
In October 2008, a light aircraft carrying U.S. soldiers belonging 
to the aviation club on the U.S. forces' Kadena Air Base (straddling 
Okinawa City and the towns of Kadena and Chatan) about 40 kilometers 
away from Makiya crashed onto Nagata's sugarcane field and went up 
in flames. The field was sprayed with fire-extinguishing chemicals 
and it cost Nagata 300,000 yen to remove the unsalable sugarcane. 
His negotiations with the Ministry of Defense for compensation have 
not been concluded. There is an elementary school just 200 meters 
from the crash site, and Nagata's parents' home is also in that 
area. 
 
Nagata lived in Ginowan City, where the Futenma base is located, 
when he was young. He said: "The public safety situation will 
worsen, so basically, it's better not to have military bases." 
However, what he is hoping for from this election is employment and 
economic development. 
 
As his main occupation, Nagata is the owner of an auto repair shop. 
He is barely able to pay the wages of his employees, and he himself 
does not gain anything from the business. He started to plant 
sugarcane 15 years ago just to keep fit, but now he relies on it for 
his living. He said: "The harvest this year is 30 percent less than 
last year due to the drought" and his income this year is likely to 
be less than 2 million yen. 
 
In the afternoon, the community emergency broadcasting system 
announced the official filing of candidacy for the mayoral election. 
In a settlement of some 600 residents, it is very easy to find out 
who is voting for whom. Although Nagata says, "Actually, it would be 
better if we could think and vote more freely," he cannot help 
paying attention to what the customers at his auto repair shop would 
think of him. 
 
(9) SDP Okinawa base issues project team chairman views Saga Airport 
as "best location" for Futenma relocation site 
 
 
TOKYO 00000118  011 OF 013 
 
 
ASAHI ONLINE (Saga edition) (Full) 
January 20, 2010 
 
Yuki Ichikawa 
 
House of Representatives member Kantoku Teruya (second district of 
Okinawa), chairman of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) project team 
on Okinawa base issues, which is considering alternative relocation 
sties for the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan City, 
Okinawa), toured the Saga Airport on Jan. 19. Teruya said that based 
on his personal impression, "this is the best location, in terms of 
initial impression" because of its geographic conditions, since 
there are no houses in the area, and the airport is surrounded by 
vast farmland and the sea. The three ruling coalition parties are 
supposed to submit their proposals on the relocation site by the end 
of the month. Teruya said that "this has not been discussed in the 
party," but it is possible that Saga Airport may be included in the 
SDP's proposal. 
 
The Hatoyama administration set up an "Okinawa base issues 
examination committee" (chaired by Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi 
Hirano) of the three ruling parties in late 2009. Discussions have 
begun aiming at deciding on Futenma's relocation site by May. Teruya 
visited the Saga Airport with the vice chairman of the SDP project 
team, House of Councillors member Tokushin Yamauchi (elected on the 
proportional representation ticket; former treasurer general of 
Okinawa) as part of the party's research efforts. 
 
After arriving at the airport in the afternoon of Jan. 19, Teruya 
and Yamauchi received a briefing from Yoshiro Setoguchi, chief of 
Saga Prefecture's airport and transportation section. When told that 
the areas around the airport consist of farmland, that there are no 
houses within a radius of 3 kilometers, and that the airport 
operates the only night cargo flights in Kyushu, Teruya asked if 
there is any noise problem and if the ground is strong enough since 
the airport is built on reclaimed land. Later, Teruya and Yamauchi 
viewed the area around the airport from the rooftop of the terminal 
building. 
 
Later, Teruya told reporters: "Compared with the situation in 
Futenma, which is called the most dangerous military base in the 
world by both the Japanese and U.S. governments, this is the best 
location, in terms of initial impression." In response to the 
question of whether the Saga Airport will be included in the SDP's 
proposal, Teruya said: "The party will not propose Saga and this has 
not been discussed within the party." He added, "The SDP will not 
ignore the wishes of the governor and the people of Saga and impose 
a relocation plan on Saga, so don't worry." 
 
Teruya had requested a meeting with Governor Yasushi Furukawa but he 
ended up meeting only with working level officials. At a news 
conference on the same day, Furukawa explained, "I understand that 
it was a personal visit, so I thought dealing with it at the working 
level would be appropriate." 
 
Teruya visited the Maritime Self-Defense Force base in Sasebo and 
the Omura air base in Nagasaki Prefecture on Jan. 12. He will visit 
Iwo Jima (Tokyo) and the U.S. territory of Guam this month before 
drafting the SDP's proposal. 
 
When reporters asked: "Why did you come to Saga Airport?" on Jan. 
19, Teruya answered: "Because I heard that Saga Airport came up 
 
TOKYO 00000118  012 OF 013 
 
 
during the Japan-U.S. talks under the old administration." 
 
The "Japan-U.S. talks" refers to the U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) 
realignment talks from 2005 to 2006. Futenma relocation was also 
discussed, and the old administration agreed to relocating the 
Futenma base to Henoko in Nago City, Okinawa. During the 
negotiations, the U.S. government cited the Saga Airport as a 
possible relocation site, but the Japanese government did not agree. 
A local paper in Okinawa reported on this in 2008. Teruya is 
reexamining the negotiation process under the old administration, 
including verifying facts. 
 
Teruya explained that his purpose in visiting the Saga Airport was 
that he "wanted to see the actual site with his own eyes in order to 
find out what was the reason for the USFJ's proposing the Saga 
Airport and how the old administration dealt with this proposal." He 
asked prefectural officials if the Japanese government had made 
inquiries in 2005-2006 during the time of the negotiations, and the 
answer was "no." 
 
As for whether Saga will be included in the discussions of the three 
ruling parties on the relocation site, where a decision is due by 
May, Governor Furukawa stated at his news conference on Jan. 19 that 
there had not been any inquiries from the government so far. He 
added: "If there are official inquiries from the government, I will 
inform you while I deal with the matter." 
 
(10) U.S. government plan to collect special tax: Japanese financial 
institutions bewildered 
 
NIKKEI (Page 4) (Full) 
January 16, 2010 
 
An increasing number of Japanese financial institutions operating in 
the U.S., including the Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group and Nomura 
Holdings, are bewildered by the White House's announcement on a 
policy of collecting a special tax from major financial 
institutions. The specifics of the system are unclear at the moment. 
However, because of the observation that some financial institutions 
might have to pay 1 billion yen or so, all financial institutions 
are rushing to collect information. 
 
The aim of the special tax - the financial crisis responsibility fee 
- is designed to make up for losses of public funds used to 
stabilize the financial system. The envisaged tax targets major 
financial institutions whose assets exceed 50 billion dollars or 
roughly 4.5 trillion yen. The targeted financial institutions will 
be charged with fees worth 0.15 percent of a portion of their 
debts. 
 
Union Bank, a regional U.S. bank that is under the wing of Bank of 
Tokyo-Mitsubishi UFJ has total assets of 70 billion dollars. There 
is a strong possibility that it will be subject to the special tax. 
There is reportedly a possibility of the bank being asked to pay 20 
million dollars or approximately 1.8 billion yen. However, an 
official of the bank said that since Union Bank's annual before-tax 
profit is usually about 1 billion dollars or so, there would be no 
major impact on it. An executive of Nomura Holdings said, "Since it 
is totally unclear at present whether our company will become 
subject to the taxation, all we can do is just to wait and see." 
Mizuho Securities and Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation are also 
dismayed, with one source saying, "We don't know whether we will 
 
TOKYO 00000118  013 OF 013 
 
 
become subject to the policy, because the guidelines for determining 
assets are unknown." 
 
To begin with, foreign financial institutions are not eligible to 
receive injections of public funds in the U.S. As such, they are 
strongly displeased with the new policy, with one executive of a 
megabank noting, "Why do we have to shoulder the same burdens that 
U.S. banks do?" 
 
ZUMWALT