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Viewing cable 10SANTODOMINGO9, Constitutional Reform Process - The Judiciary Altered
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
10SANTODOMINGO9 | 2010-01-08 21:13 | 2011-08-26 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Embassy Santo Domingo |
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UNCLAS SANTO DOMINGO 000009
SENSITIVE
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV KJUS KDEM PHUM DR
SUBJECT: Constitutional Reform Process - The Judiciary Altered
REF: A) 08 SDO 1608, B) SDO 51, C) SDO 315, D) 08SDO1959
SUMMARY
¶1. (U) The GODR's constitutional reform process, ongoing now for
more than a year (reftel A) reveals much about the relative powers
of various actors including the President, political parties, the
judiciary, civil society, the Catholic Church and Dominicans in
general. The independence and powers of the judiciary and organs
connected to the rule of law have been the subject of particularly
vigorous discussions (reftels B-C), and the new constitution to be
promulgated on 01/26/10, contains reforms that arguably could
strengthen or weaken the independence and authority of the Judicial
Branch. The major innovations include the creation of a new
Constitutional Tribunal, increased powers to name and review
high-level judges for the politicized National Judicial Council,
expansion of the President's authority to name Assistant
Attorney-Generals, and a constitutional mandate for the Legal
Assistance program and the Public Defender's Office. Civil society
organizations, as well as the Embassy, will closely monitor the
implementation of the new constitution. End Summary.
CONSTITUTIONAL TRIBUNAL
¶2. (SBU) The main change to the judicial system is the creation of
a Constitutional Tribunal. The Tribunal was vociferously opposed
by Supreme Court Chief Justice Jorge Subero Isa, who argued it will
undermine judicial independence, create judicial chaos by opening
up for review all prior Supreme Court decisions on constitutional
matters, and cause trial delays as defendants raise constitutional
objections that could result in the suspension of trials until
Constitutional Tribunal rulings can be obtained. The two major
civil society organizations, Participacion Ciudadana (PC) and the
Institutionality and Justice Foundation (FINJUS), however, both
supported the establishment of a Constitutional Tribunal, holding
that it would create an independent arbiter of the constitution and
speed up consideration of constitutional issues, noting that
similar institutions are prevalent in European and Latin American
countries. (COMMENT: PC and FINJUS directors have also hinted to
Emboffs that their support for the Constitutional Tribunal stems
from their loss of confidence in the Supreme Court's freedom from
political influence, as a result of that court's decision in the
Sunland case (Ref D). In that ruling, the high court held that
only the Presidents of the Senate and Chamber of Deputies had
standing to challenge the government's entering into a commercial
loan agreement without congressional authorization. Since the
heads of both houses of Congress were members of the ruling
Dominican Liberation Party (PLD), such objections were, of course,
never made. END COMMENT.)
¶3. (U) The Constitutional Tribunal is to be composed of 13
judges who will review the constitutionality of laws and decrees
upon the request of the President, one third of the Senate or
Chamber of Deputies, or "of whatever person has a legitimate and
legally protected interest," per Article 185. This phrase
enshrines the Supreme Court ruling in the Sunland case that found
that plaintiffs lacked standing. Some observers - particularly
those who objected to the Sunland decision - feel this language is
too restrictive, but whether it blocks or permits ordinary citizens
or civil society organizations from suing to protect their rights
has yet to be seen. Interestingly, the "Public Defender"
(Ombudsman) is not listed as one who can bring constitutional
challenges under Article 185, which as a practical matter undercuts
the ombudsman's function to "safeguard fundamental rights [and
those] established in this Constitution," per Article 191.
¶4. (U) Potential judges for the Constitutional Tribunal must meet
the criteria for being a Supreme Court justice and both sets of
judges will be selected by the National Judicial Council (CNM - see
paragraphs 8-11, below, for details). The Tribunal's judges will
serve non-renewable mandates for nine years, and the composition of
the court will be "gradually renewed every three years" (i.e.,
about one-fourth of the Tribunal will be changed every three
years).
¶5. (U) The Constitutional Tribunal will also have the power to
review the constitutionality of treaties before they are ratified,
as well as to resolve conflicts between "public powers" upon the
request of one branch of government. Ordinary laws may
subsequently determine what other kinds of cases the Tribunal may
hear (per Article 185(4)). Article 186 provides that dissenting
judges may have "their reasoning" recognized ("given value") in
decisions taken by the Constitutional Tribunal. (COMMENT: This
suggests that dissenting opinions will be published; in the French
civil law system - from which the Dominican is derived - dissenting
opinions have traditionally not/not been allowed or publicized.
END COMMENT)
¶6. (U) Art. 184 provides that Tribunal decisions will constitute
precedents that must be followed by other courts. The current
constitution does not contain a similar provision with respect to
Supreme Court decisions and, as a result, such decisions do not
constitute binding precedents for lower courts on constitutional
issues. (COMMENT: This reform promises to be an important
development. The DR has a civil law system, in which judicial
decisions are derived from interpretation of statutes, not prior
case law. The constitutional mandate that Constitutional Tribunal
rulings shall serve as precedent adds the common law system's
consideration of case law, which should help standardize the
application of constitutional rights in lower court judicial
decisions. END COMMENT.)
¶7. (U) Art. 277 provides that the Constitutional Tribunal cannot
review final decisions of the Supreme Court that were handed down
before the Tribunal's establishment. This measure was included in
response to Supreme Court Chief Justice Subero's concern of a
"judicial train wreck" should the Tribunal be authorized to
reconsider prior Supreme Court Rulings. (COMMENT: Apparently the
way this will work is that the Tribunal may alter the substance of
prior Supreme Court rulings on constitutional questions, but these
new constitutional interpretations will not apply to those cases
previously decided by the Supreme Court, but only to those cases
that come up for decision after the Tribunal's creation. END
COMMENT).
THE NATIONAL JUDICIAL COUNCIL
¶8. (U) The new constitution significantly expands the powers of
the National Judicial Council (CNM), while also reinforcing the
political character of its composition. Under the existing
Constitution, the CNM's role is limited to selecting Supreme Court
Judges and naming the Chief Justice and his two deputies. Once the
reforms are promulgated, however, pursuant to Art. 179, the CNM
will also select the 13 Constitutional Tribunal judges and the
three-to-five Superior Electoral Tribunal members, as well as
review the performance of Supreme Court judges every seven years to
determine whether they should be reappointed for an additional
seven year period. In addition, the new constitution establishes
an age limit of 75 for Supreme Court Justices (Article 151(2)),
which means that the CNM will pick four new Justices in early 2010,
and another two before the end of the year (in total, six of the
current 16 Justices will be replaced this year).
¶9. (U) The new constitution will also alter the composition of the
CNM. Under the existing constitution, it consists of seven
members: the President, the presidents of the Senate and Chamber
of Deputies, one additional senator and one additional Deputy who
are not members of the same party as the presidents of each
chamber, the Supreme Court Chief Justice and another Justice.
Currently, the ruling PLD party controls the CNM, as the President
and the heads of both congressional chambers are PLD members, while
the two other legislators are members of the PLD's Social Christian
Reformist Party (PRSC) allies. Consequently, the revision of the
CNM's membership became a major political issue, as the opposition
Revolutionary Dominican Party (PRD), in large part conditioned its
acceptance of the new constitution on a provision stating that the
additional senator and deputy come from the second largest party in
each chamber, in other words from the PRD. This was incorporated
in Article 178 over the opposition of the PRSC.
¶10. (U) Article 178 also provides for the addition of the Attorney
General (AG) to the CNM, increasing the membership of that body to
eight. NGO Participacion Ciudadana has confidently asserted that
the inclusion of the AG was the PLD's price for agreeing to give
the PRD two seats on the Council, as this will continue to
guarantee the ruling party a blocking plurality of four members
(the AG is a PLD stalwart), rounded out by the two Supreme Court
justices and two PRD legislators .
¶11. (SBU) COMMENT: The CNM is and will continue to be a body
overwhelmingly dominated by politicians. As a result, there is
concern that it will prioritize political considerations over
judicial qualifications in selecting members of the Constitutional
Tribunal, Supreme Court and Supreme Electoral Tribunal, as well as
in reviewing the performance of Supreme Court justices. This
concern is heightened by the absence in the new constitution of
detailed criteria for making these decisions. President
Fernandez's original constitutional reform proposal posited
appointing a representative of civil society and three appellate
court judges to the CNM, but this idea did not prosper. By way of
comparison, Peru's equivalent of the CNM is non-politicized, as it
consists of a Supreme Court justice, a senior prosecutor, a public
law school rector, a private law school rector, a bar association
representative and two representatives from other professional
organizations, and criteria for its work are established. END
COMMENT.
PUBLIC MINISTRY APPOINTMENTS
¶12. (U) The current constitution is silent on how Assistant
Attorney Generals (AAG) are to be named, although existing
legislation provides that all are to be named by the President with
advice from the AG. When the text of the new Constitution passed
its first reading in August 2009, the President's discretion to
name AAG's was reduced to one-fourth, but in the final approved
version (Article 171), the President designates half. (COMMENT:
The limitation on the President's authority to name AAGs is
expected to ensure that at least half of future AAGs come from the
ranks of career prosecutors. END COMMENT)
OMBUDSMAN
¶13. (U) Article 176 provides constitutional recognition of the
"administrative and functional autonomy" of the Legal Assistance
services program. The chief Public Defender (or Ombudsman), and
Assistant Public Defenders will be selected by the Senate from a
short list presented by the Chamber of Deputies, under Article 190.
Although the human rights ombudsman position has gone unfilled for
years, the Public Defense system, established in 2003, has grown to
include over 300 public defenders, judicial investigators, social
workers and administrative personnel. It operates in the main
judicial districts of the country and the quality of the Public
Defenders' work has been recognized within and outside the judicial
sector. (COMMENT: The requirement under Article 177 that public
defenders also "protect the rights of the victim" could create
conflicts-of-interest and/or complicate the role of public
defenders. END COMMENT)
NATIONAL JUDICIAL SCHOOL
¶14. (U) The National Judicial School (ENJ) is also mentioned in the
new constitution, under Article 150. This institution has been
functioning for some 10 years and has established a reputation as a
rather cutting-edge institution for training would-be judges and
providing continuing legal education to sitting judges.
Currently, a lower-court judge moves "up" as vacancies emerge,
while new magistrates leaving the ENJ are sent to fill the lower
ranks of the judiciary. Article 150 of the new Constitution
provides that anyone wishing to be a judge must pass a competitive
exam to enter the ENJ and then satisfactorily complete the ENJ's
program, with the exception of appointees to the Supreme Court (who
can be veteran attorneys and/or law professors).
CIVIL SOCIETY'S ROLE
¶15. (U) Civil society organizations, particularly the
USAID-supported Participacion Ciudadana and FINJUS, have been
involved in the debate over the new constitution from the
beginning. FINJUS published a study in the early months of 2009
containing numerous observations and recommendations, while
Participacion Ciudadana spoke out, particularly when it seemed that
certain "diffuse" rights were endangered (such as public access to
the beaches). More recently, in December, FINJUS hosted a
workshop focused on the new, stronger National Judicial Council
(CNM). Panelists at the meeting agreed that civil society must
carefully monitor and try to participate in the process by which
the CNM selects and evaluates judges to help ensure that
professional, not political standards are applied.
¶16. (U) The panelists at this workshop cautioned that detailed
criteria governing the CNM's selection and review of judges are
lacking . For example, Art. 181 addresses the review of Supreme
Court justices' performance, but only states that the National
Judicial Council may, "decide the pertinence of separating a
(Supreme Court) judge from his duty," although such a decision must
be "based on the grounds of the law that (will) regulate(s) this
matter." Since the new constitution defers this matter to
subsequent legislation, the FINJUS panelists expressed their
determination to stay involved in the process of drafting and
enacting such legislation to lobby for proper criteria.
COMMENT
¶17. (SBU) It appears that the new constitution's impact on the
judicial system will be positive. The establishment of a
Constitutional Tribunal could advance the development of
constitutional rights and of a body of binding constitutional case
law in the DR. The expansion of the National Judicial Council's
authority is not in and of itself worrisome, but the continued
political character of three-quarters of its membership certainly
is. Civil society's continued engagement in the debate and passage
of implementing legislation is essential to ensure that purely
political considerations are not the only voices heard. Embassy
will continue to monitor developments closely. END COMMENT.
Lambert