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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 08 TOKYO 002936 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 12/29/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) DPJ's Ozawa "indebted" to SDP over Diet Law amendment; SDP hopes 
for quid pro quo on Futenma issue (Yomiuri) 
 
(2) U.S. State Dept. disavows Crowley's statement that the 
ambassador visited of his own accord (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(3) Interview with Hiroshi Nakanishi, Kyoto University professor, on 
gravity of Japan-U.S. alliance - It was a serious mistake for the 
Hatoyama administration to allow the Futenma relocation to develop 
into a political issue (Yomiuri) 
 
(4) Editorial: Futenma relocation: Make serious efforts to look for 
relocation site outside Okinawa (Asahi) 
 
(5) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Tokyo Shimbun) 
 
(6) Editorial: Japan should adopt FTA strategy involving China and 
Taiwan as well (Nikkei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) DPJ's Ozawa "indebted" to SDP over Diet Law amendment; SDP hopes 
for quid pro quo on Futenma issue 
 
YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full) 
December 29, 2009 
 
The outline of a bill to amend the Diet Law, an issue Democratic 
Party of Japan Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa feels strongly about, 
obtained the approval of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the 
People's New Party at a meeting of the secretaries general and Diet 
Affairs Committee chairmen of the three ruling parties on Dec. 28, 
thus gaining momentum for its submission to and enactment at the 
regular Diet session. So far, the amendment of the Diet Law has in 
principle required unanimous approval by the Diet. It is unclear 
whether the bill can obtain the approval of the opposition parties. 
 
The meeting held at the Diet lasted about 30 minutes. Secretary 
General Yasumasa Shigeno of the SDP, which had been cautious about 
amending the Diet Law, made the demand that "(the amendment) should 
also give consideration to the smaller parties" but did not oppose 
the bill. 
 
The SDP had been against the amendment because the bill Ozawa 
envisions will no longer designate the director general of the 
Cabinet Legislation Bureau as a "special adviser to the government," 
which "may enable the government to revise the constitution through 
interpretation at will." The main reason behind its shift to 
accepting the bill is that its demand for the creation of a 
"hearing" system to solicit the opinions of bureaucrats will be 
met. 
 
Shigeno told Ozawa at the meeting: "I hope the Prime Minister will 
keep in mind that this is a coalition government when he speaks." 
Ozawa reportedly hit his own head a few times and said: "I will put 
your words here (in my head)." 
 
The SDP is concerned that Hatoyama has said that the relocation of 
the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station to Guam, which the party is 
advocating, will be difficult. Therefore, it appears that the SDP is 
 
TOKYO 00002936  002 OF 008 
 
 
trying to make Ozawa owe them one over the Diet Law and enlist him 
as an ally on the Futenma issue in order to draw concessions from 
the Prime Minister." 
 
In reaction to this move of the ruling parties, the Liberal 
Democratic Party (LDP) is opposing the legal amendment because "free 
deliberations in the Diet may be restricted" (according to a senior 
party official). It seems that because the debate on the amendment 
was initiated by Ozawa, the LDP "does not want to allow Ozawa to 
take the credit." 
 
Ozawa said at a news conference on Dec. 7: "If we fail to reach 
agreement (with the opposition parties), the only option is to pass 
the bill with a majority vote. That is a principle of democracy," 
indicating his intention to pass the bill even at the expense of 
going against convention. The debate on Diet Law amendment is likely 
to become a contentious issue between the ruling and opposition 
parties at the regular Diet session. 
 
(2) U.S. State Dept. disavows Crowley's statement that the 
ambassador visited of his own accord 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 3) (Full) 
December 25, 2009 
 
Tokyo 
 
U.S. Secretary of State Clinton reportedly summoned Japanese 
Ambassador to the U.S. Ichiro Fujisaki to the State Department about 
the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma airfield. In 
this regard, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, having inquired of the 
department about the facts, indicated on Dec. 24 that department 
spokesperson Philip Crowley's statement was incorrect. Crowley said 
in a press briefing on the 22nd that Clinton did not summon 
Fujisaki, but the ambassador visited the department. 
 
A Japan-U.S. Security Treaty Division official explained this to 
Lower House members Kantoku Teruya and Ryoichi Hattori, who 
requested an explanation of the circumstances behind the 
ambassador's visiting the State Department. 
 
According to Hattori, when the Foreign Ministry asked the State 
Department for confirmation of the statement in question, it 
explained that Crowley's statement was incorrect and that Fujisaki 
visited the department at Clinton's behest.  However, the Foreign 
Ministry did not answer when asked who confirmed the facts or when 
and how. 
 
Hattori said: "The Foreign Ministry explained, 'Because the State 
Department is dealing with problems around the world, it probably 
made a mistake. Although the Futenma issue is said to have created a 
crisis in Japan-U.S. relations, a mistake of this sort was made. 
Questions remain." 
 
(3) Interview with Hiroshi Nakanishi, Kyoto University professor, on 
gravity of Japan-U.S. alliance - It was a serious mistake for the 
Hatoyama administration to allow the Futenma relocation to develop 
into a political issue 
 
YOMIURI (Page 4) (Full) 
December 29, 2009 
 
 
TOKYO 00002936  003 OF 008 
 
 
The issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station 
will probably not destroy the Japan-U.S. alliance itself. But it 
could trigger the deterioration of the bilateral alliance. It was a 
huge mistake for the Hatoyama administration to allow the Futenma 
relocation to develop into a political issue. The administration 
should have pushed ahead with the relocation plan while listening to 
the views of the local leaders to achieve the removal of the 
dangerous airfield by setting aside what (the Democratic Party of 
Japan) used to call for when it was an opposition party. 
 
The United States thought that Japan was becoming its global partner 
through such events as the 1996 Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration on 
Security and the dispatch of Self-Defense Force troops to Iraq and 
the Indian Ocean. But the Hatoyama administration has pressed 
Washington for a review of the Futenma relocation plan, citing 
public opinion and the circumstances of (the DPJ's) coalition 
partner. This is certain to prompt Washington to earnestly reexamine 
Japan's role in U.S. military and security strategy. 
 
I think the United States will reduce its military presence in Japan 
if Tokyo requests that. In such a case, there are only two options 
for Japan in maintaining its alliance with the United States: either 
to continue providing funds to support America's foreign policy or 
to make international contributions actively by reviewing its 
self-imposed restrictions on the use of force. 
 
To begin with, the significance of the presence of U.S. forces in 
Japan lies in its deterrent effect, with the United States regarding 
an attack on Japan as an attack on itself. I do not think that at 
present there is any country that is planning to attack and occupy 
Japan. But other countries might think that if the support of the 
United States is gone, it will be easier to apply pressure on Japan. 
To put it bluntly, there will be a greater possibility of Japan 
being looked down upon and pressed for concessions. Is Japan going 
to deal with matters with a readiness to face disputes and friction 
or back off by practicing patience? There will be many situations in 
which Japan will be pressed to make difficult decisions. 
 
The Philippines required the United States to withdraw most of its 
troops from the country. But Japan's situation is different from 
that of the Philippines because it is situated in close proximity to 
Russia, China, and North Korea, which are all armed with nuclear 
weapons. 
 
The Prime Minister has declared that the Japan-U.S. alliance is the 
cornerstone of Japan's foreign policy. Despite that, he has failed 
to make a decision on the Futenma issue. It has now apparently 
become difficult to implement the existing relocation plan. Then 
again, I do not think the government can come up with a new proposal 
in several months. Japan's lack of ability to make political 
decisions is a true concern for the Japan-U.S. alliance. 
 
(4) Editorial: Futenma relocation: Make serious efforts to look for 
relocation site outside Okinawa 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
December 29, 2009 
 
The working team of the government and the ruling parties to look 
for a new relocation site for the U.S. Marines' Futenma Air Station 
has been launched. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002936  004 OF 008 
 
 
This is a fresh start for the new administration that has been 
zigzagging on this issue for over 100 days after its inauguration. 
While relocation to Henoko in Nago City under the Japan-U.S. 
agreement reached three years ago has not been ruled out as an 
option, utmost efforts should be made to look at the possibility of 
relocation out of Okinawa. 
 
It will not be easy to come up with an alternative proposal. 
Considering the noise problem and the risks of crime and accidents 
involving U.S. service personnel, it is improbable that a local 
government willing to accept a U.S. military base can be found with 
little effort. 
 
Even if the Hatoyama administration identifies a new candidate 
relocation site, there is no guarantee that it will be acceptable to 
the U.S. side, which insists that relocation to Henoko is the only 
feasible option. The negotiation process will be fraught with 
difficulties. 
 
The Hatoyama administration probably wants to do what it can to 
correct the abnormal situation wherein 75 percent of U.S. military 
bases in Japan are concentrated in Okinawa in full awareness of such 
difficulties and even to the extent of taking the risk of reviewing 
the agreement between the two governments. It is meaningful that the 
Hatoyama administration is taking up this formidable challenge after 
the historic change of administration. 
 
However, there is one important issue here: It is necessary to 
compensate for the deterrence the U.S. Marines in Okinawa provide 
for Japan's defense and regional stability. Recognition of that 
necessity is probably the basis of the deliberation process from now 
on. 
 
With regard to this, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's statement last 
weekend that it will be difficult to relocate all the Marines on the 
Futenma base to Guam is a meaningful clarification of the issue. 
Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano, who chairs the working 
team, has also indicated that he will attach importance to such a 
point of view. 
 
How the Japanese mainland should share the heavy burden the bases 
impose on Okinawa has been a serious problem since the time of the 
Liberal Democratic Party administrations. Osaka Governor Toru 
Hashimoto recently pointed to the fact that Okinawa served as a 
shield for the defense of the mainland during the Pacific War, thus 
becoming the scene of devastating ground fighting, and indicated 
that he will not reject discussions on the relocation (of some of 
Futenma's functions) to Kansai Airport. 
 
In the past, live ammunition exercises by U.S. forces in Okinawa 
have been transferred to five locations on the mainland, including 
Hokkaido and Miyagi Prefecture. Kanagawa, Yamaguchi, Aomori, and 
other prefectures also host U.S. military facilities. 
 
The great significance of Japan as a whole setting a goal of the 
relocation of U.S. bases (not just Futenma) out of Okinawa should 
not be forgotten. 
 
The Prime Minister has clearly stated that a decision on the 
relocation site will be made by May. There are doubts about whether 
a decision will really be made because the House of Councillors 
election is taking place next summer. 
 
TOKYO 00002936  005 OF 008 
 
 
 
The U.S. government has been dismayed by the Prime Minister's 
wavering in his statements on this issue and the discrepancy in the 
views expressed by cabinet ministers, which render the 
administration's diplomatic intentions ambiguous. 
 
If the administration continues to zigzag, it will lose credibility, 
and domestic coordination on relocation out of Okinawa will be 
jeopardized. Any further procrastination is absolutely 
impermissible. The administration's credibility is at stake. 
 
(5) Poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties 
 
TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 2) (Full) 
December 27, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures are percentages. Parentheses denote the results of the last 
survey conducted Nov. 28-29.) 
 
Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet? 
 
Yes 47.2 (63.7) 
No 38.1 (25.1) 
Don't know (D/K) + no answer (N/A) 14.7 (11.2) 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "yes" to the previous question) What 
is the primary reason for your approval of the Hatoyama cabinet? 
Pick only one from among those listed below. 
 
The prime minister is trustworthy 11.3 (5.1) 
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan, 
Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 7.5 (7.8) 
The prime minister has leadership ability 0.6 (1.8) 
Something can be expected of its economic policies 7.6 (10.2) 
Something can be expected of its foreign policy 1.3 (2.6) 
Something can be expected of its political reforms 22.0 (37.2) 
Something can be expected of its tax reforms 5.3 (6.1) 
Something can be expected of its administrative reforms 17.1 (13.7) 
There's no other appropriate person (for prime minister) 25.6 
(13.9) 
Other answers (O/A) 0.3 (---) 
D/K+N/A 1.4 (1.6) 
 
Q: (Only for those who answered "no" to the first question) What is 
the primary reason for your disapproval of the Hatoyama cabinet? 
Pick only one from among those listed below. 
 
The prime minister is untrustworthy 16.5 (20.2) 
Because it's a coalition cabinet of the Democratic Party of Japan, 
Social Democratic Party, and People's New Party 12.4 (12.9) 
The prime minister lacks leadership ability 24.1 (9.2) 
Nothing can be expected of its economic policies 20.4 (33.4) 
Nothing can be expected of its foreign policy 8.2 (2.0) 
Nothing can be expected of its political reforms 5.3 (5.9) 
Nothing can be expected of its tax reforms 5.4 (4.6) 
Nothing can be expected of its administrative reforms 1.6 (2.5) 
Don't like the prime minister's personal character 4.0 (7.2) 
O/A 0.1 (---) 
D/K+N/A 1.0 (2.1) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support? 
 
TOKYO 00002936  006 OF 008 
 
 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 36.1 (45.0) 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 23.7 (16.2) 
New Komeito (NK) 1.9 (4.1) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 1.3 (2.4) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 1.8 (2.1) 
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 1.7 (1.4) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 1.1 (0.3) 
Reform Club (RC or Kaikaku Kurabu) --- (---) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.6 (0.4) 
Other political parties, groups --- (---) 
None 30.5 (27.8) 
D/K+N/A 1.3 (0.3) 
 
Q: Prime Minister Hatoyama's fund-managing body has falsified its 
political fund reports. In this regard, Prime Minister Hatoyama 
explained in a press conference that he had entrusted everything to 
his secretary. Is this account convincing? 
 
Yes 17.8 
No 76.1 
D/K+N/A 6.1 
 
Q: Prime Minister Hatoyama's secretary has been indicted without 
arrest. What do you think Prime Minister Hatoyama should do? 
 
Resign as prime minister to take responsibility 21.1 
Fulfill his public accountability and take steps to improve the 
situation while staying on as prime minister  64.3 
Dissolve the House of Representatives to seek the judgment of the 
people 6.3 
No need to take responsibility since his former secretary is to 
blame 3.8 
D/K+K/A 4.5 
 
Q: The DPJ, in its manifesto for this summer's general election, 
pledged to abolish gasoline and other road-related provisional 
surcharges. However, the government has decided to retain these 
surcharges due to severe fiscal conditions. What do you think? 
 
Approve 13.0 
Approve to a certain degree 38.1 
Don't approve very much 26.5 
Don't approve 18.9 
D/K+N/A 3.5 
 
Q: The government has decided not to set an income limit for child 
allowances to be provided next year. What do you think? 
 
Approve 17.9 
Approve to a certain degree 23.3 
Don't approve very much 26.5 
Don't approve 30.5 
D/K+N/A 1.8 
 
Q: The government decided to retain the already-existing childcare 
benefits as local burdens, which the government had planned to 
abolish with the introduction of child allowances. What do you 
think? 
 
Approve 7.9 
Approve to a certain degree 25.3 
 
TOKYO 00002936  007 OF 008 
 
 
Don't approve very much 34.9 
Don't approve 25.9 
D/K+N/A 6.0 
 
Q: The government has deferred its conclusion on the issue of 
relocating the U.S. military's Futenma airfield to next year. What 
do you think? 
 
Approve 8.2 
Approve to a certain degree 20.0 
Don't approve very much 33.2 
Don't approve 34.7 
D/K+N/A 3.9 
 
Q: What do you think the government should do about the Futenma 
relocation? 
 
Relocate Futenma airfield to a coastal area of the U.S. military's 
Camp Schwab in Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, in line with the agreement 
reached between Japan and the U.S. 31.1 
Review the Japan-U.S. agreement and look for another relocation site 
outside Okinawa Prefecture and in Japan 18.3 
Review the Japan-U.S. agreement and relocate Futenma airfield 
outside Japan 41.0 
O/A 0.1 
D/K+N/A 9.5 
 
Q: Concerning the recent audience of Chinese Vice President Xi 
Jinping with H.M. the Emperor, the Imperial Household Agency 
rejected the proposal of this imperial audience, maintaining that it 
was against the rule that requires all requests to be made at least 
a month in advance. This exceptionally granted audience has been 
criticized as a practice of using the Emperor for political 
purposes. What do you think? 
 
The criticism is correct 54.7 
The criticism is incorrect 37.9 
D/K+N/A 7.4 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted across the nation on 
Dec. 25-26 by Kyodo News Service on a computer-aided random digit 
dialing (RDD) basis. Among randomly generated telephone numbers, 
those actually for household use with one or more eligible voters 
totaled 1,470. Answers were obtained from 1,030 persons. 
 
(6) Editorial: Japan should adopt FTA strategy involving China and 
Taiwan as well 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
December 28, 2009 
 
China and Taiwan have agreed to aim at concluding an economic 
cooperation framework agreement (ECFA), equivalent to a free trade 
agreement. They will likely to do so as early as the first half of 
next year. An ever-expanding Asian trade zone calls into question 
Japan's FTA strategy. 
 
Chairman Chiang Pin-kung of the Straits Exchange Foundation, 
Taiwan's point of contact with China, and Chairman Chen Yunlin of 
the Association for Relations across the Taiwan Straits from the 
Chinese side on Dec. 22 met in Taichung in central Taiwan and agreed 
to launch talks on an ECFA. 
 
TOKYO 00002936  008 OF 008 
 
 
 
Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou stressed the necessity for a 
China-Taiwan ECFA, noting, "Once an FTA between China and the 
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) comes into effect on 
Jan. 1 next year, Taiwan's products could lose competitiveness on 
the mainland market." He thus explained that signing an ECFA with 
China is an inevitable option, because 40 percent of Taiwan's 
exports are China-bound. 
 
Taiwan is also motivated by the desire to make an FTA with China 
lead to an FTA with ASEAN and Japan. Taiwan joined the World Trade 
Organization (WTO) right after China. Since then, it has been 
searching for the opportunity to sign FTAs with various countries. 
However, it has been unable to receive favorable responses from 
countries that have diplomatic relations with China. 
 
For Taiwan, the China-Taiwan ECFA will be the first free trade 
agreement with an Asian country. It could represent a breakthrough 
for Taiwan. The Philippines has already expressed a desire to join 
the China-Taiwan ECFA in regions close to Taiwan. It is time for 
Japan, which is conspicuously lagging in FTA strategy, to reverse 
this situation with a multilateral initiative involving China and 
Taiwan. 
 
Chances are that Japanese companies could face fiercer competition 
with Taiwanese companies in the Chinese market and with Chinese 
companies in the Taiwanese market. On the other hand, using capable 
Taiwanese personnel, they would find it easier to set up businesses 
in the Chinese market and to make inroads into the Taiwanese market 
by exploiting their production bases in China. They will require a 
broad-based strategy. 
 
The Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan's largest opposition party, 
which is very wary of China, sees risk in excessive integration of 
the Taiwanese economy with the Chinese economy. It criticizes the Ma 
administration as moving ahead with talks with China in an unclear 
manner. 
 
There is also rising concern about competition with Chinese products 
becoming fiercer and Taiwanese industries hollowing out. 
 
When Chairman Chen visited Taichung, there were major demonstrations 
against his visit. This is seen as one reason that the Kuomintang, 
the Ma administration's ruling party, was defeated in local 
elections earlier in the month. The Ma administration has been 
rapidly promoting relations with China since its launch in May last 
year. However, it would behoove the administration to slow down the 
pace of talks and carefully explain its intentions for the sake of 
increasing transparency. 
 
China's Community Party administration is characterizing an ECFA 
with Taiwan as part of its unification strategy. We also must keep 
an eye on the impact of the development of China-Taiwan relations on 
Japan's security. 
 
ROOS