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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 15 TOKYO 002835 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 12/10/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
 (1) Deadlock in Futenma issue casting pall over Japan-U.S. alliance 
(Asahi) 
 
(2) Hirano suggests broadening agenda of Japan-U.S. cabinet-level 
working group on Futenma relocation (Sankei) 
 
(3) Editorial: Government must not put Japan-U.S. relations at risk 
over Futenma issue (Asahi) 
 
(4) Editorial: With delay in decision on Futenma, growing 
possibility of three crises (Nikkei) 
 
(5) Okinawan companies seek U.S. Ambassador Roos's assistance in 
sending young people for IT training (Okinawa Times) 
 
(6) U.S. Ambassador Roos indicates willingness to cooperate with 
sending students to the U.S. for IT training (Ryukyu Shimpo) 
 
(7) DPJ gives greater importance to China than to the Japan-U.S. 
alliance (Sankei) 
 
(8) Japan-China joint poll (Yomiuri) 
 
(9) Growth for Japan: Promote FTAs and challenge the world (Nikkei) 
 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Deadlock in Futenma issue casting pall over Japan-U.S. alliance 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Excerpts) 
December 9, 2009 
 
The issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station 
in Ginowan City, Okinawa Prefecture, is casting a pall over the 
entire Japan-U.S. relationship. The U.S. has fiercely reacted to 
Prime Minister Hatoyama's idea of putting off a conclusion of the 
issue until next year. Hatoyama and President Barack Obama agreed 
(in their talks in Tokyo) to hold bilateral consultations aimed at 
deepening the Japan-U.S. alliance. But such consultations are now 
likely to be put on hold. Hatoyama appears to be willing to place 
priority on reducing the base burden on Okinawa, but the U.S. has 
indicated no sign of holding the consultations before prospects for 
a settlement of the issue come into sight. 
 
Hatoyama not revealing his true intention 
 
Yesterday evening, Prime Minister Hatoyama emphasized that 
coordination of the government's policy on the Futenma policy to be 
conveyed to the U.S. was in the final stage. But he did not disclose 
what policy he intends to convey to the U.S. 
 
Concerned cabinet ministers have visited the Prime Minister's 
Official Residence almost every day to discuss the Futenma issue. 
Yesterday, Hatoyama, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada, Defense 
Minister Toshimi Kitazawa, Land, Infrastructure, Transport and 
Tourism Minister Seiji Maehara, and Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi 
Hirano discussed the issue. In the meeting, Kitazawa said: "It 
depends on what decision the prime minister will make," indicating 
he will wait for Hatoyama's judgment. 
 
TOKYO 00002835  002 OF 015 
 
 
 
Hatoyama has been caught between "the desire of the Okinawan people" 
and "the reality of the Japan-U.S. agreement." In the midst of this 
situation, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) hinted at leaving the 
coalition in opposition to the government's plan of reaching a swift 
conclusion. The Hatoyama cabinet, which has been pressed to give up 
on resolving the Futenma issue by the end of the year, has few 
options left for breaking the impasse. 
 
Recently, calls are growing for placing priority on reducing the 
burden on Okinawa, such as the removal of the danger posed by the 
Futenma base, over deciding on a relocation site. The Hatoyama 
cabinet is studying the following possibilities: (1) moving 
helicopters at the Futenma airfield to other bases; and (2) adding 
an environment clause that would obligate the U.S. military to 
restore the contaminated land it has used to its original state to 
the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement. 
 
In a press conference yesterday morning, Chief Cabinet Secretary 
Hirano underscored his consideration to Okinawa, remarking: "The top 
priority is to reduce the burden on the people in Okinawa and to 
remove risks. The government must address this task on a priority 
basis," echoing Hatoyama, who has repeatedly stated: "I will make 
efforts to reflect the wishes of the Okinawan people in the 
government's policy." 
 
In the cabinet, some members have begun exploring new potential 
relocation sites while leaving open the possibility of moving the 
facility to the Henoko district in Nago City based on the existing 
plan. Defense Minister Kitazawa left for Guam yesterday to visit 
U.S. military bases, even bearing in mind the possibility of 
relocating the Futenma facility there. 
 
Japanese government officials appear to be considering the 
possibility of changing the process of implementing the roadmap for 
the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, which was agreed on in 2006 
between Japan and the U.S. The idea of speeding up the relocation of 
training exercises from U.S. Kadena Base to a Self-Defense Force's 
base has also been floated. 
 
But the government cannot implement these proposed measures without 
a consensus from the U.S. side. If these measures are also left 
untouched, it could lead to a worst-case scenario in which the 
dangers of the Futenma airfield are not removed and the broad 
Japan-U.S. accord on the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan is 
returned to square one. 
 
Idea of deepening Japan-U.S. relations already losing momentum 
 
Prime Minister Hatoyama has come up with the idea of deepening the 
Japan-U.S. alliance in wide-ranging areas, such as disaster 
prevention, medical care, education, and the environment, on the 
occasion of the 50th anniversary next year of the revision of the 
Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. But this idea has already lost 
momentum. 
 
Hatoyama proposed holding key bilateral consultations to deepen the 
bilateral alliance when he met with President Obama in November. 
This was a major accomplishment in the Japan-U.S. summit for 
Hatoyama. But the U.S. side's stance is that it will not begin the 
bilateral consultations as long as the Futenma issue remains 
unresolved in the discussions by the Japan-U.S. working group. 
 
TOKYO 00002835  003 OF 015 
 
 
 
Foreign Minister Okada also lamented yesterday: "I cannot bring 
myself to discuss future options for the Japan-U.S. alliance, while 
leaving the Futenma issue unsettled." 
 
In a symposium sponsored by the U.S. Center for Strategic and 
International Studies (CSIS) and other institutes in Tokyo 
yesterday, former Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage made a 
cynical comment indicating that it would be better not to hold 
bilateral consultations if no positive results are expected to be 
produced there. 
 
In the Hatoyama administration, Parliamentary Defense Secretary 
Akihisa Nagashima also expressed his sense of alarm: "Without 
discussing how much risk Japan should share with the U.S. in times 
of emergency, many people have insisted that since (the U.S. 
military bases) are troublesome facilities, they should be moved 
away." 
 
Under this situation, U.S. government officials have begun to 
approach influential DPJ lawmakers. Deputy Chief of Mission in the 
U.S. Embassy James Zumwalt held talks with Diet Affairs Committee 
Chairman Kenji Yamaoka for about one hour and 30 minutes yesterday. 
According to Yamaoka, DCM Zumwalt asked for Japan's cooperation in 
resolving the issue by the end of the year, but Yamaoka replied: 
"Haste makes waste." 
 
Hatoyama has expressed his desire to hold a bilateral meeting with 
U.S. President Obama on the sidelines of the 15th session of the 
Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate 
Change in Copenhagen starting on Dec. 18. But a senior Foreign 
Ministry official grumbled: "If Japan presents a specific proposal 
and if the U.S. thinks the meeting will be beneficial to the U.S., 
the President might meet Hatoyama; otherwise, even if the President 
has time, he probably will not meet the prime minister." 
 
(2) Hirano suggests broadening agenda of Japan-U.S. cabinet-level 
working group on Futenma relocation 
 
SANKEI ONLINE (Full) 
12:53, December 10, 2009 
 
At a news conference on the morning of Dec. 10, Chief Cabinet 
Secretary Hirofumi Hirano indicated the intention not to limit 
discussions at the Japan-U.S. cabinet-level working group on the 
relocation of the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan City, 
Okinawa), which have been suspended, to the examination of the 
existing plan to build a replacement facility in the coastal area of 
Camp Schwab in Henoko, Nago City, and resume the discussions after 
turning the working group into a forum for broader topics, including 
the identification of a new relocation site. 
 
Hirano said: "(While the working group's goal) is the examination of 
the Japan-U.S. agreement, it is possible to have working-level 
discussions on different topics. (There is the question of) whether 
the present framework is the best." The working group has been 
suspended after Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama indicated he will 
consider Guam as a possible relocation site. The U.S. side demands 
the implementation of the current plan and White House Press 
Secretary Robert Gibbs has just stated on Dec. 9 that "discussions 
at the working group is the best way." 
 
 
TOKYO 00002835  004 OF 015 
 
 
(3) Editorial: Government must not put Japan-U.S. relations at risk 
over Futenma issue 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
December 10, 2009 
 
The issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station 
has become more complicated since Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama 
indicated last week that the government would put off a conclusion 
of the relocation issue until next year. Hatoyama's decision 
reflects his consideration toward the Social Democratic Party, which 
is adamantly opposed to the existing plan to relocate the Futenma 
facility to the Henoko district in Nago City. 
 
As a result, discussions at a cabinet-level bilateral working group 
that was set up based on an agreement between Hatoyama and U.S. 
President Barack Obama to examine the existing plan have been 
suspended. The two leaders also agreed in their talks in Tokyo to 
hold bilateral consultations aimed at deepening the Japan-U.S. 
alliance, with an eye on 2010 marking the 50th anniversary of the 
revision of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. But the consultations 
are also likely to be put on hold. 
 
The U.S. government has said that there is no feasible option other 
than the existing plan. Washington's decision to put off the 
consultations indicates its strong displeasure at Japan's 
postponement of a conclusion, according to Japanese government 
sources. Seeing the adverse development, even Foreign Minister 
Katsuya Okada said: "I have a very strong sense of alarm over the 
current state of Japan-U.S. relations." 
 
Japan-U.S. relations are based on the Security Treaty, so it is an 
essential requirement for Japan to offer land for U.S. military 
bases. The relocation issue is an important part of this 
requirement. Japan and the U.S. must share this basic perception. 
 
In view of its position, Washington's call on Japan to implement the 
current plan makes sense. Meanwhile, the Hatoyama administration has 
examined the process leading to the existing plan and has tried to 
find measures to lighten the excessive burden on Okinawa. Such 
efforts also should not be denied. 
 
The problem is that Japan and the U.S. have not exchanged candid 
views as allies on how to retain the deterrence provided by the 
presence of U.S. military troops in Japan and the cost Japan should 
bear to that end. 
 
It is too simplistic to say that the alliance itself could collapse 
(over the Futenma issue), but it is unfortunate that the situation 
is getting more chaotic without communications made between the two 
countries. 
 
President Obama stated in Tokyo: "The Japan-U.S. alliance has been a 
foundation for security and prosperity over the past 50 years." The 
will and wisdom to maintain and manage the "foundation" are now 
needed. 
 
The Hatoyama administration once tried to work out a solution to the 
issue by the end of the year but later decided to put off a 
conclusion out of consideration for the coalition government. The 
U.S. government's irritation at the Hatoyama administration's 
flip-flop is understandable. 
 
TOKYO 00002835  005 OF 015 
 
 
 
In a public opinion survey by the Asahi Shimbun, more than half of 
respondents said that Japan and the U.S. should review the plan on 
which they agreed and begin fresh negotiations. The government 
should not make light of such a view, which is not the only the view 
of the Okinawan people. 
 
Hatoyama has proposed deepening bilateral ties in wide-ranging 
areas, including disaster prevention, medical care and education. 
This proposal coincides with the Obama administration's policy of 
placing emphasis on fighting global warming and promoting nuclear 
nonproliferation. Cooperation in the military sector tended to be 
the focus of the Japan-U.S. alliance until now, so the Japanese 
people should welcome the idea of deepening cooperation in wider 
areas. 
 
To nurture this trend with care, it is the prime minister's 
responsibility to settle the discord over the Futenma issue as much 
as possible. To that end, he should present a "policy" at an early 
date. 
 
(4) Editorial: With delay in decision on Futenma, growing 
possibility of three crises 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
December 10, 2009 
 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama is flip-flopping on the issue of 
relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa. 
His inconsistency goes beyond the price to be paid for a change in 
government. Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada, Defense Minister Toshimi 
Kitazawa, and others are urging the Prime Minister to decide to 
confirm the existing Japan-U.S. agreement before the end of the 
year. His failure to do so will increase the Hatoyama 
administration's chances of facing serious consequences. 
 
It is natural for a review of policies to follow the change of 
administration. An international agreement is literally an agreement 
between states, not an agreement between administrations. Any 
country that reneges on an international agreement after a change of 
administration will lose its international credibility. It is time 
for Prime Minister Hatoyama to think of the present crises with an 
open mind while keeping that point in mind. 
 
First, the very existence of Futenma Air Station in the residential 
area in Ginowan is posing a danger, and this situation will continue 
on a semi-permanent basis if the Prime Minister fails to make a 
decision swiftly. All three parties -- Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu 
Nakaima, Nago Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro, and the United States -- 
support the Japan-U.S. plan. 
 
The foreign and defense ministers take similar positions possibly 
because of this political reality. The Prime Minister's 
flip-flopping will provoke the ideological anti-base struggle and 
might end up making Futenma a permanent fixture in Okinawa. 
 
Second, the Japan-U.S. alliance is in a critical condition and the 
impact would go beyond the two countries. In reality, (the bilateral 
relationship) has already entered a danger zone. The Prime Minister 
said "trust me" during a Japan-U.S. summit in November. Thus far, 
his words have been an empty promise. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002835  006 OF 015 
 
 
The Prime Minister has repeatedly pointed out the importance of the 
relationship of trust between the top leaders of Japan and the 
United States. Such a person must know exactly what decision he has 
to make. Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary General Ichiro 
Ozawa will take a trip to China along with over 100 lawmakers with 
the Japan-U.S. relationship in such a state. What message does this 
send to the international community? 
 
Third, the current situation is a crisis for Prime Minister Hatoyama 
as well. His inconsistent stance is likely to raise questions at 
home and abroad about his qualifications as the top leader of the 
country. 
 
Hatoyama competed with Okada for the DPJ presidency this past May. 
Okada has tried to reason with Prime Minister Hatoyama as the 
minister responsible for the matter, but his efforts have not paid 
off. If this was the Liberal Democratic Party administration era, a 
political showdown would occur, imperiling the administration. 
 
If free speech is not suppressed in the DPJ, criticism will sooner 
or later come out into the open. If free speech is suppressed, the 
criticism will build up like magma. 
 
The three crises could compound into an administrative crisis -- or 
a Hatoyama crisis. 
 
With the launch of the Hatoyama administration, we expected change. 
The DPJ's manifesto (a set of campaign pledges) does not stipulate 
the abrogation of the Japan-U.S. agreement on Futenma. Confirming 
the Japan-U.S. agreement should be a natural option for the Prime 
Minister, not a change of mind. 
 
(5) Okinawan companies seek U.S. Ambassador Roos's assistance in 
sending young people for IT training 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 7) (Full) 
December 10, 2009 
 
Business operators of IT companies in Okinawa met with U.S. 
Ambassador to Japan John Roos at the official residence of the 
Consul General in Okinawa. Seven business executives participated in 
this meeting, where they requested cooperation in training projects 
in the U.S. The Ambassador reportedly promised to serve as 
intermediary with U.S. companies willing to accept trainees. 
 
Roos used to run a law firm of 600 lawyers in Silicon Valley and 
serve as counsel to IT companies. He is said to be knowledgeable 
about the IT industry. This meeting came about because of a visit by 
Consul General Raymond Greene to the Okinawa IT Shinryo Park in 
November. During this visit, President Takashi Hiyane of Lexues told 
Greene about the "IT frogs" program for sending young people to the 
U.S. for training. Greene briefed the Ambassador about the program, 
and the Ambassador sounded out (the Okinawan businessmen) about an 
exchange of views. 
 
Hiyane said: "We would like to train young people in Silicon Valley. 
We would like to request your cooperation to facilitate the sending 
of students." Roos reportedly advised them to "take in foreign 
capital and step up the expansion of companies." 
 
President Tomoaki Kurita of Index Okinawa remarked that, "We hope to 
collaborate with U.S. companies to gain a foothold in the Chinese 
 
TOKYO 00002835  007 OF 015 
 
 
market." 
 
(6) U.S. Ambassador Roos indicates willingness to cooperate with 
sending students to the U.S. for IT training 
 
RYUKYU SHIMPO (Page 4) (Full) 
December 10, 2009 
 
It was learned on Dec. 9 that U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos, 
who was on a visit to Okinawa until Dec. 2, held an informal 
exchange of views with Okinawan business operators on programs to 
send students to the Silicon Valley in the United States, where the 
IT industry is concentrated. The Ambassador was supportive of the 
businessmen's efforts to promote these programs and indicated that 
he would like to cooperate if there is anything he can do to help. 
 
Representatives of seven companies that have pooled their funds for 
the common goal of training entrepreneurs met with the Ambassador. 
They were invited by the Ambassador and the meeting took place at 
the official residence of the U.S. Consul General in Urasoe City. 
 
Roos, who was a lawyer before becoming the ambassador to Japan, is 
known for running a law firm in Silicon Valley with many IT company 
clients. At the meeting, he asked enthusiastic questions about the 
training programs. He also gave specific advice on the training of 
students. The meeting lasted two hours, exceeding the originally 
scheduled 90 minutes. 
 
This meeting came about because of a visit by Consul General Raymond 
Greene to the Okinawa IT Shinryo Park in Uruma City in early 
November. He heard about the training programs from President 
Takashi Hiyane of Lexeus, one of the companies involved with these 
programs. The Consul General and Okinawa Prefectural Government 
officials were also present at the meeting. 
 
During the meeting, the Ambassador praised the efforts of young 
business operators who started to send students for training last 
year on a voluntary basis. He said: "This is excellent" and advised 
them that concrete strategies on entrepreneurship and on-site 
training programs are important. 
 
(7) DPJ gives greater importance to China than to the Japan-U.S. 
alliance 
 
SANKEI (Pages 1, 3) (Full) 
December 4, 2009 
 
At a room in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) where the 
meeting of the Japan-U.S. cabinet-level working group on the issue 
of the relocation of the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station was being 
held on Dec. 4, the angry voice of U.S. Ambassador to Japan John 
Roos reverberated: "How does President Obama explain this to 
Congress?" This was after Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada conveyed 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's "decision" to forego reaching a 
solution on the issue within 2009. 
 
However, Okada denied flatly that this had happened at a news 
conference on Dec. 8. 
 
"The Ambassador asserted his position firmly, but he did not raise 
his voice. There are also various opinions on the U.S. side. The 
question is how seriously you take them." 
 
TOKYO 00002835  008 OF 015 
 
 
 
He did not directly respond to Roos's anger 
 
"Japan hands" lost face 
 
At a symposium held in Tokyo on Dec. 8, former U.S. Deputy Secretary 
of State Richard Armitage, a well-known expert on Japan, expressed 
his "concern" repeatedly: "We are concerned that an agreement that 
took 10 years to conclude may be scrapped." Influential people in 
the U.S. who support the Japan-U.S. security alliance have continued 
to send out messages in their persistent effort to make the Japanese 
government understand the importance of the alliance. 
 
"Does (the Japanese administration) think that the maintenance of 
the coalition is more important than the alliance?" "This will hurt 
the basic relationship of trust." "The price Japan pays for the 
value of the insurance provided by the Japan-U.S. security alliance 
is not high." 
 
Yet, such messages do not seem to reach the Hatoyama administration. 
Okada even stated at his news conference: 
 
"There are people who think it is desirable to attack the Democratic 
Parties both in Japan and the U.S. to cause deterioration in the 
bilateral relationship." 
 
The Japan hands have completely lost face in Washington. 
 
Unprecedented size of delegation visiting China 
 
According to one of the top political appointees of a certain 
ministry, "China, which the U.S. is most sensitive about, is a 
constant factor" behind the behavior of Hatoyama and Democratic 
Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa, who is the most 
powerful politician in Japan. 
 
MOFA officials are unanimous in their opinion about the major event 
taking place in Beijing on Dec. 10: "We have never seen so many Diet 
members visiting a foreign country at one time. This is 
unprecedented not only for visits to China but is simply unheard 
of." They are referring to a joint program under the regular 
exchange program between the DPJ and the Communist Party of China 
and Ozawa's long-time project the "Great Wall Program" since his 
days at the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). 
 
This year, 143 DPJ Diet members are participating in this program. 
The total membership of this delegation going to Beijing in the 
severe winter, which includes participants from these Diet members' 
support groups and their secretaries, runs to 626. 
 
Some 80 of the 140 "Ozawa children" who were elected for the first 
time in the recent House of Representatives election are members of 
the delegation, and they will actually be going to China "simply for 
sightseeing," according to a DPJ source. Even party members voice 
the criticism that "this is slighting the U.S. and leaning 
excessively toward China" (a junior Diet member). 
 
This is an indication that the DPJ administration is ignoring the 
calls from the U.S. and listening only to China. However, such 
behavior is not based on any explicit ideology or policy and merely 
reflects a vague Asia-oriented disposition. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002835  009 OF 015 
 
 
During this China visit, Ozawa will hold a "top-level meeting" with 
President Hu Jintao. However, the delegation itself will be visiting 
in a relaxed mood with a purposeless itinerary. 
 
A DPJ leader in the House of Councillors who is a participant in the 
delegation says: "After Mr. Ozawa meets with President Hu, 80 
percent of the trip is done with. What is left for us to do is to 
visit the Great Wall, since that is our purpose." 
 
The group will take photographs with Chinese VIPs at the Great Hall 
of the People and participate in the welcome reception of the 
All-China Youth Federation on Dec. 10. From Dec. 11, they will 
divide into smaller groups and visit various ministries, villages, 
and the Great Wall. 
 
Ozawa will move on to Seoul on Dec. 11. He is meeting President Lee 
Myung Bak for an informal dinner on Dec. 12. 
 
The "Great Wall Program" has been carried out 17 times. This is an 
exchange program that Ozawa inherited from the Keisei-Kai, the 
faction he belonged to during his LDP days. Ozawa boasts that he 
will "continue this program until he becomes 100 years old." His 
aides emphasize: "This is different from LDP Diet members in the 
past who visited China for business interests; it is genuine citizen 
diplomacy." 
 
However, the visit to China by over 140 Diet members at a time when 
the Japan-U.S. relationship is strained has aroused stronger 
interest on the U.S. side than Japan had imagined. A U.S. Democratic 
Party source remarks: "The U.S. government is taking note of this 
because this will reveal Japan stance toward the U.S. and China." 
 
On the other hand, a veteran politician's secretary who has known 
Ozawa since his days at the LDP's Tanaka faction explains that the 
truth of the matter is quite simple: "Mr. Ozawa wants to show off 
his power." 
 
Vacillating values 
 
Hatoyama traveled to Indonesia on Dec. 9 to attend the "Bali 
Democracy Forum." What he stated in an interview with the Indonesian 
media prior to this trip demonstrates how inscrutable Hatoyama 
diplomacy is. 
 
"We treasure the common values of freedom and democracy. Japan and 
Indonesia can contribute to Asia and the world as a whole by 
becoming strong strategic partners." 
 
However, Hatoyama had said the very opposite at a news conference on 
May 15, at the height of the DPJ presidential election campaign. 
 
He strongly negated the "value diplomacy" advocated by former Prime 
Minister Taro Aso when he was foreign minister, which gave 
importance to cooperation with countries sharing common values, such 
as freedom, democracy, and the rule of law. 
 
He said in May: "I dislike value diplomacy. Diplomacy is a process 
through which countries with different value systems build a 
relationship of coexistence and co-prosperity." 
 
Hatoyama has always vacillated significantly in his statements, so 
it is hard to determine how he really feels. However, he often ends 
 
TOKYO 00002835  010 OF 015 
 
 
up shaking the alliance relationship with the U.S., with which Japan 
shares common values, while giving emphasis to friendly relations 
with China, which has a political system and values different from 
Japan. 
 
More haste, less speed 
 
DPJ Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Kenji Yamaoka, who is also the 
head of the delegation visiting China, met with James Zumwalt, 
deputy chief of mission of the U.S. Embassy in Japan, at his office 
on the second floor of the Diet on Dec. 8. 
 
When Zumwalt demanded a solution to the Futenma relocation issue 
before the end of the year, Yamaoka explained the situation of the 
three coalition parties and added that, "There is the saying that 
the more haste, the less speed. Haste makes waste." 
 
While Yamaoka appeared to be using this expression inadvertently, in 
actuality Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao told Hatoyama the same thing on 
Oct. 10. When Hatoyama demanded an early start to negotiations on a 
treaty regarding the joint development  of the Shirakaba gas field 
in the East China Sea, which the two sides had agreed upon, Wen also 
said: "There is the saying that the more haste, the less speed," 
hinting at the deferring of the issue. 
 
Ozawa has long been an advocate of the theory of an equilateral 
triangle consisting of Japan, the U.S., and China with all three 
nations keeping equal distance from each other. 
 
In the LDP, although people like former Secretary General Koichi 
Kato, a well-known pro-China politician, also embrace the same 
theory, this is not the mainstream in that party because it is 
widely believed in the LDP that a theory that gives equal importance 
to the U.S., which is Japan's only ally, and China, a communist 
dictatorship pointing hundreds of ballistic missiles in Japan's 
direction, is outrageous. 
 
Yet, "an equilateral triangle consisting of Japan, the U.S., and 
China" (in the words of Azuma Koshiishi, chair of the DPJ caucus in 
the Upper House) is regarded as a matter of course in the DPJ. This 
has given rise to "favoritism" in dealing with China and cold 
shouldering the U.S. 
 
The Social Democratic Party (SDP), one of the coalition parties, is 
taking advantage of this situation to pressure the administration by 
threatening to leave the coalition. 
 
On Dec. 7, SDP Secretary General Yasumasa Shigeno pressed Ozawa to 
scrap the Japan-U.S. agreement on the relocation of the Futenma Air 
Station to Nago, telling him: "Secretary General Ozawa should speak 
up to the administration." When Shigeno persisted, Ozawa repeated 
three times: "I will convey the message to the government." 
 
(8) Japan-China joint poll 
 
YOMIURI (Page 15) (Full) 
December 8, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
(Figures shown in percentage) 
 
Q: Do you think Japan-China relations are now in good or bad shape? 
 
TOKYO 00002835  011 OF 015 
 
 
 
 Japan China 
Very good 4 4 
Good to a certain degree 41 46 
Bad to a certain degree 39 34 
Very bad 8 9 
No answer (N/A) 8 6 
 
Q: Do you think China (Japan) is trustworthy? 
 
 Japan China 
Very trustworthy 3 3 
Somewhat trustworthy 25 31 
Not very trustworthy 46 41 
Not trustworthy at all 23 22 
N/A 3 3 
 
Q: Do you think Japan-China relations will improve, deteriorate, or 
remain unchanged? 
 
 Japan China 
Improve very much 5 7 
Improve to a certain degree 29 46 
Remain unchanged 50 31 
Deteriorate to a certain degree 10 8 
Deteriorate very much 2 3 
N/A 4 5 
 
Q: Do you think the positive impact of the Hatoyama government on 
Japan-China relations will be greater, or do you think its negative 
impact will be greater? 
 
 Japan China 
Positive impact 29 31 
Negative impact 17 12 
About the same 41 35 
N/A 13 22 
 
Q: In what area do you think Japan and China should cooperate from 
now on? Pick as many as you like from among those listed below, if 
any. 
 
 Japan China 
Politics, diplomacy 48 38 
Economy 52 50 
Security 35 28 
Natural resources, energy development 38 31 
Science & technology 11 58 
Environmental issues 49 43 
Epidemic prevention, including new-type flu viruses 14 33 
Education, culture 14 46 
Other answers (O/A) 0 5 
Nothing in particular (NIP) + N/A 6 3 
 
Q: Do you think the positive impact of China's economic growth on 
Japan's economy will be greater, or do you think its negative impact 
will be greater? 
 
 Japan China 
Positive impact 29 58 
Negative impact 31 10 
About the same 34 25 
 
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N/A 6 7 
 
Q: Do you expect China to display more leadership in order to 
resolve the North Korean nuclear issue? 
 
 Japan China 
Very much 45 44 
Somewhat 26 32 
Not very much 19 16 
Not at all 6 3 
N/A 3 5 
 
Q: When comparing China (Japan) with the U.S., which country do you 
think will be more important to Japan (China) in the political 
aspect? 
 
 Japan China 
China (Japan) 18 4 
U.S. 52 44 
Both countries 28 50 
N/A 2 2 
 
Q: Then, which country do you think will be more important to Japan 
(China) in the economic aspect? 
 
 Japan China 
China (Japan) 46 6 
U.S. 28 52 
Both countries 24 41 
N/A 2 2 
 
 
Q: What issue do you think should be resolved on a priority basis 
for a better relationship between Japan and China? 
 
 Japan China 
Gas field co-development in East China Sea 20 20 
Intellectual property rights problems, such as copied products 17 6 
Historical perception 35 36 
Territorial row, such as the Senkaku islets 14 29 
O/A 0 3 
NIP+N/A 13 7 
 
Q: What do you think China is like? Pick as many as you like from 
among those listed below, if any. 
 
 Japan China 
It's financially wealthy 16 33 
Its technological level is high 14 25 
It's a growing military power 56 43 
It's promoting tradition, culture 24 58 
It's protecting the natural environment 3 30 
It's a safe place 2 33 
O/A 4 13 
NIP+N/A 17 2 
 
Q: What do you think Japan is like? Pick as many as you like from 
among those listed below, if any. 
 
 Japan China 
It's financially wealthy 33 60 
Its technological level is high 70 60 
 
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It's a growing military power 3 29 
It's promoting tradition, culture 17 29 
It's protecting the natural environment 19 38 
It's a safe place 39 25 
O/A 1 5 
NIP+N/A 5 6 
 
(Note) Figures rounded off. The total percentage does not add up to 
100 PERCENT . "0" indicates that the figure was less than 0.5 
PERCENT . 
 
Polling methodology 
 
Japan 
Date of survey: Nov. 14-15. 
Subjects of survey: 3,000 persons chosen from among all eligible 
voters throughout the country (at 250 locations on a stratified 
two-stage random sampling basis). 
Method of implementation: Door-to-door visits for face-to-face 
interviews. 
Number of valid respondents: 1,796 persons (men-48 PERCENT , 
women-52 PERCENT ). 
 
China 
Date of survey: Nov. 14-24. 
Subjects of survey: Liaowang Dongfang Zhoukang (Oriental Outlook 
Weekly) outsourced the survey to Horizon Research. Men and women, 
aged 20 and over, were chosen in Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, 
Wuhan, Shenyang, Chengdu, Xian, Harbin, Tsingtao, and Changsha. 
Method of implementation: Telephone-based interviews 
Number of valid respondents: 1,261 persons (men-51 PERCENT , 
women-49 PERCENT ). 
 
(9) Growth for Japan: Promote FTAs and challenge the world 
 
NIKKEI (Page 1) (Excerpts) 
December 10, 2009 
 
Survive in trade with Asia 
 
Japanese companies have the geographical advantage of being close to 
the growing Asian market, with China right next door. However, 
business circles are dissatisfied. This is because business leaders 
are limited by the perceived notion that only low-end products, 
which Japan is not good at producing, sell in emerging countries. 
 
However, the situation is changing. Komatsu Ltd. will shortly bring 
out hybrid-type hydraulic shovels with high fuel efficiency. The 
price is 1.5 times higher than the present model. However, Chairman 
Masahiro Sakane said, "We have received a surprisingly large number 
of inquiries." 
 
In China, the operating time of construction equipment is long. Fuel 
costs 3 million yen a year. Expenses for personnel who operate the 
machine are about 400,000 yen a year. Needs for saving fuel costs 
are much bigger than in Japan. Komatsu estimates to sell 500 to 
China of 700 units expected to be sold in the current fiscal year. 
 
Many Japanese companies depend on emerging markets. The share of 
Suzuki, which is strong in compact cars, on the Indian market is 
close to 50 percent. The Yukio Hatoyama administration advocates 
domestic demand-led economic growth. However, is it possible to draw 
 
TOKYO 00002835  014 OF 015 
 
 
up a plan for ending the economic stagnation with domestic demand 
alone? Given the structural changes occurring in the world, it would 
be natural to assume that the engine of growth is external demand 
centered on emerging economies, although domestic demand is also 
important. 
 
What the administration should address is promoting free trade 
agreements (FTA). If the government proactively presses ahead with 
FTAs, the image of Hatoyama's Initiative for an East Asian Community 
would come into sight. If it clarifies its intention to build an 
economic zone, companies could decide to go global, looking toward 
the future. 
 
However, Japan has signed FTAs only with countries like Singapore, 
which would not demand liberalization of agricultural products. It 
must generate momentum in FTA talks with Australia or India. It also 
must look into such possibilities with China. The DPJ incorporated 
an FTA with the U.S. in its policy pledges. The promotion of the 
FTAs will serve to improve flagging relations with the U.S. 
 
If Japan concludes more FTAs, it would inevitably impact the 
agricultural sector. The government must devise measures for farmers 
to survive. The DPJ's income compensation system for farmers is a 
system intended to alleviate farming households' worsening business 
conditions. 
 
It is not wise to hold back liberalization for the purpose of 
protecting weak industries and keep promising industries from 
growing or advancing overseas. It is not until the Japanese economy 
becomes strong that funding resources for redistribution to bail out 
weak industries or individuals can be generated. 
 
Secure external demand through joint efforts by government and 
private sector 
 
The proportion of exports in the real GDP rose to 17 percent in 
¶2008. However, the figure is still lower than that of Germany, 
China, or South Korea, where such a proportion is close to 40 
percent. The latest figure has dropped to 13 percent due to the 
financial crunch. The government could come up with a goal of making 
the proportion over 20 percent. 
 
There are many challenges the government can tackle. Japan's 
Shinkansen bullet train is receiving high praise. However, Japan 
cannot beat rival nations, such as Germany and France, which engage 
in joint efforts by the government and the private sector in selling 
their products. They can work together in securing natural 
resources. The government can spearhead the drive in the 
environmental technology area. 
 
As a nation whose decline in birthrate and the aging society are 
advancing at the fastest speed in the world, it is difficult to 
expect the market to expand. A shortage in demand cannot be covered 
with domestic demand alone. It is not possible to envisage a growth 
track without external demand. Unless the nation earns foreign 
currency, it would lose power to purchase resources or food. 
 
It is very fortunate that Japan is located in the corner of Asia, 
which is in a growth phase. However, if it does nothing, it will 
lose opportunities. Japan does not have the option of putting off 
its advancement into the Asian market. 
 
 
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ROOS