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UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 14 TOKYO 002710 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 11/25/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Okinawa worried that PM Hatoyama may accept current Futenma 
relocation plan in the end (Asahi) 
 
(2) Prime Minister Hatoyama to set up forum for discussion between 
Uru Association, cabinet ministers concerned on Futenma relocation 
(Okinawa Times) 
 
(3) Editorial: Obama's Asia tour - Tolerance of China's military 
expansion is regrettable (Sankei) 
 
(4) Editorial: Assistance to farmers that separates them from the 
world will be futile (Nikkei) 
 
(5) Sankei-FNN poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties (Sankei) 
 
 
(6) Japan, U.S. to ink aviation liberalization accord before end of 
year: First step to competition (Asahi) 
 
(7) Japanese wife of deceased U.S. soldier trying to immigrate to 
U.S. faces legal hurdle (Sankei) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Okinawa worried that PM Hatoyama may accept current Futenma 
relocation plan in the end 
 
ASAHI (Page 2) (Full) 
November 25, 2009 
 
Atsushi Matsukawa, Hisashi Ishimatsu, Keiichi Kaneko 
 
A sense of alarm is spreading among ruling party Diet members 
elected from Okinawa who have been calling for the relocation of the 
U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station (in Ginowan City, Okinawa) out of 
Okinawa that Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama may accept relocation 
within the prefecture in the end. While Hatoyama has still not 
clarified his stance on the relocation issue, administration 
officials have begun to consider new measures to lighten Okinawa's 
burden in the event that a decision is made to relocate the Futenma 
base to Henoko. 
 
On the afternoon of Nov. 24, House of Councillors member Shokichi 
Kina (Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ)), House of Representatives 
member Mikio Shimoji (People's New Party), and five other ruling 
party Diet members elected from Okinawa met with the Prime Minister 
at the Prime Minister's Official Residence (Kantei). They made a 
direct appeal to Hatoyama to look into the possibility of relocating 
Futenma out of Okinawa or out of Japan. 
 
The letter they presented said that: "The people of Okinawa are 
increasingly voicing their strong disappointment and anger at this 
situation in which a process based on the assumption of relocation 
within Okinawa is moving forward." The Diet members demanded the 
creation of an "examination panel" consisting of the foreign 
minister, the defense minister, ruling party Diet members elected 
from Okinawa, and other officials. Their purpose was to convey the 
local people's sentiments before the Prime Minister makes his 
decision. 
 
 
TOKYO 00002710  002 OF 014 
 
 
However, the Okinawan lawmakers and Hatoyama differed in their 
perceptions of this meeting later. 
 
Kina said: "The Prime Minister said an examination panel will be 
created. He said that relocation to Henoko or a merger with Kadena 
Air Base is not a foregone conclusion, and that there are still many 
options." 
 
The Prime Minister's version was: "I have not said a single word 
about any option other than Henoko today." 
 
When Upper House member Keiko Itokazu (independent) said to him 
toward the end of the meeting: "Please do not betray the Okinawan 
people's expectations for the change of administration," Hatoyama 
reportedly just kept quiet. 
 
The reason why the Okinawan Diet members wanted to talk directly to 
Hatoyama is because there is now a growing sense of alarm that the 
Prime Minister may make a decision on relocation within Okinawa 
before the end of 2009. 
 
Kina, who is also head of the DPJ's Okinawa chapter, told reporters 
in a strong tone on Nov. 23: "Conducting negotiations (with the 
U.S.) without consulting the Okinawa chapter and ignoring (the 
wishes of) Okinawa is unacceptable." He also said: "If this 
situation doesn't change, it's like Okinawa is being deceived." The 
local people have been hopeful because the Prime Minister himself 
had said clearly during the recent general election campaign that 
Futenma should "at least be relocated out of Okinawa." 
 
The DPJ Okinawa chapter is worried about the Nago mayoral election 
in January. The opponents to Henoko relocation have just fielded a 
common candidate - Susumu Inamine, former education board chairman 
of the city - on Nov. 18 against the incumbent mayor seeking 
reelection, Yoshikazu Shimabukuro, who accepts the relocation. The 
DPJ's Okinawa chapter, along with the Social Democratic Party (SDP) 
Okinawa chapter and other groups, has already decided to endorse 
Inamine. 
 
Many supporters of Inamine, consisting mostly of former Mayor Tateo 
Kishimoto's relatives and support groups, are actually in favor of 
Henoko relocation. For this reason, Inamine was going to campaign on 
a review of the existing relocation plan at first. But for the sake 
of fielding a common candidate for all the relocation opponents, he 
has taken one step further and is now saying: "I will not allow the 
construction of a new military base in Henoko." Inamine's staff say 
that "we will fight under the slogan of opposition (to Henoko 
relocation) until the end." 
 
Commenting on this, a senior Okinawa Prefectural Government official 
who is supporting Shimabukuro said cynically: "If the government 
decides on relocation within Okinawa before the end of the year, 
will the Prime Minister come to campaign for the incumbent mayor in 
the election? If he is giving up on relocation out of Okinawa so 
soon, we might well ask him to at least do that." 
 
Yasuhiro Arakaki, DPJ Okinawa chapter's secretary general, and other 
officials said to Governor Hirokazu Nakaima on Nov. 24: "We would 
like you to ask the Prime Minister to relocate Futenma out of 
Okinawa. Mr. Hatoyama may do that for us." If Hatoyama decides on 
relocation within the prefecture before the mayoral election, DPJ 
officials are certain to be torn between the party's policies in 
 
TOKYO 00002710  003 OF 014 
 
 
Tokyo and in Okinawa. The ruling coalition may also become divided 
over relocation to the mainland and relocation within Okinawa. 
Yonekichi Shinzato, SDP Okinawa chapter's secretary general, 
observes: "In the worst-case scenario, there might be a clamor (for 
the SDP) to leave the coalition." 
 
Nakaima, who has not changed his position of accepting Henoko 
relocation in the belief that this is a "realistic" plan, stated at 
his regular news conference on Nov. 20: "If an opponent to 
relocation gets elected (in the Nago mayoral election), it will be 
extremely difficult to implement the relocation." In which case, the 
gubernatorial election next year, in which Nakaima is seeking 
reelection, is certain to be affected as well. 
 
After his meeting with the Okinawan Diet members, Hatoyama 
maintained that he had not made any decision on when to reach a 
conclusion on Futenma relocation and where the relocation site will 
be. 
 
However, the concerned ministers have stepped up their efforts to 
prepare to make a decision before the end of the year while Hatoyama 
is still trying to make up his mind. 
 
Hatoyama summoned Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and Defense 
Minister Toshimi Kitazawa to the Kantei for two consecutive days on 
Nov. 19 and 20 to discuss the Futenma issue. 
 
During the meeting, Kitazawa argued that it is necessary to lighten 
the burden on the Okinawan people to soften their resentment on the 
assumption that the Futenma base is to be relocated to Henoko. 
Hatoyama leaned forward and remarked: "Let me say something. I will 
be the one to draw up the (final) proposal." An informed source 
observes that "for all intents and purposes" Hatoyama's attitude 
indicates that "a decision on Henoko relocation will be made before 
the end of 2009." The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) is also 
looking into ways to reduce Okinawa's burden behind the scenes. 
 
The reason why the Ministry of Defense (MOD) is speeding up the 
formulation of proposals to reduce the burden is because if Hatoyama 
decides on Henoko relocation, it will be impossible to placate the 
Okinawan people without such proposals. 
 
The main focus of these measures is the removal of danger and 
reduction of noise on the bases. The MOD proposes to spread out the 
helicopter exercises conducted at Futenma Air Station, as well as 
transfer the exercises conducted at Kadena Air Base out of Okinawa 
or reduce their frequency. 
 
With regard to the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement, which is 
subject to calls for revision, the MOD is also proposing that 
environmental provisions requiring the U.S. forces to restore the 
environment to the original state in cases of pollution on the 
military bases be signed between Japan and the U.S. as special 
agreements. A senior MOD official says: "We are preparing proposals 
that will keep the Okinawans people's hope alive." 
 
Regarding economic development measures for Okinawa, which were 
linked to progress in the U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) realignment 
process during the Liberal Democratic Party administrations, the 
Hatoyama administration has drawn the line and said that "they are 
not linked with the base issues" (Land Minister Seiji Maehara). 
Plans to continue and expand such measures are being studied. 
 
TOKYO 00002710  004 OF 014 
 
 
 
Director General Kazuyoshi Umemoto of MOFA's North American Affairs 
Bureau and Director General Nobushige Takamizawa of the MOD's 
Defense Policy Bureau left for the U.S. on Nov. 24. They will meet 
with U.S. officials to seek their understanding of the proposals to 
lighten Okinawa's burden. If an agreement can be reached at the 
senior bureaucratic level, the proposals will be presented to the 
cabinet level working group officially. 
 
It goes without saying that the prerequisite for the U.S. to approve 
these measures is the acceptance of the Henoko relocation plan. It 
would seem that the process for the "implementation of the agreement 
on USFJ realignment in Okinawa," as President Obama put it, is 
moving forward steadily. 
 
However, the concerned officials are still frustrated because the 
Prime Minister keeps putting off making a decision. A senior MOFA 
official points out that "unless the overall policy is spelled out, 
we are just doing just mental exercises." 
 
The SDP, a coalition partner of the DPJ, is also facing a serious 
dilemma. With regard to how the party will react if Hatoyama decides 
on the Henoko relocation plan, party leader Mizuho Fukushima (state 
minister for consumer affairs and declining birthrate) would only 
say: "I cannot answer a hypothetical question." 
 
(2) Prime Minister Hatoyama to set up forum for discussion between 
Uru Association, cabinet ministers concerned on Futenma relocation 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 2) (Full) 
November 25, 2009 
 
TOKYO - In connection with the relocation site for the U.S. Marine 
Corps' Futenma Air Station, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama clarified 
yesterday that he will set up a forum for discussion between the 
cabinet ministers concerned and the Uru no Kai (Uru Association), 
which is comprised of the ruling parties' Diet members elected from 
Okinawa Prefecture or from the prefecture. The Uru Association is 
chaired by House of Councillors member Shokichi Kina. Uru 
Association members, who have called for establishing a forum to 
look into the possibility of relocating the Futenma base out of 
Okinawa or out of Japan, met with Hatoyama at the Prime Minister's 
Official Residence (Kantei). Hatoyama made this decision during the 
meeting. He did not explicitly say such a meeting will be held 
regularly, but he said: "It is absolutely necessary (for the Uru 
Association) to exchange views with the foreign minister, defense 
minister, and state minister in charge of Okinawa and hold 
discussions on the issue before reaching a conclusion." 
 
With regard to the relocation site for the Futenma base, Hatoyama 
said: "In order to look for a fresh idea, we are examining several 
options." He expressed his willingness to visit Okinawa, saying, "I 
would like to visit Okinawa although I have yet to decide when." He 
also revealed that he would meet with Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima 
when he visits Okinawa. 
 
Last evening at the Kantei, after revealing that Chief Cabinet 
Secretary Hirofumi Hirano and Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada are 
expected to visit Okinawa, Hatoyama said to reporters: "I think I 
cannot go there before they visit." 
 
Uru Association members told Hatoyama that they would like to state 
 
TOKYO 00002710  005 OF 014 
 
 
their views at a meeting of the ministerial-level working group 
(WG), but Hatoyama said: "Working group meetings will be held 
between Japan and the United States. I will deal with the issue in a 
responsible manner so that your wishes can be transmitted to the 
WG." 
 
After the meeting, Kina said: "Okinawa has been kept out of the loop 
since the SACO agreement was reached. So, I asked the Prime Minister 
to reflect the voice of (Okinawa) without making the same mistake. 
The Prime Minister responded to our request faithfully." 
 
(3) Editorial: Obama's Asia tour - Tolerance of China's military 
expansion is regrettable 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
November 19, 2009 
 
The U.S. President will wrap up his weeklong Asian tour on Nov. 19, 
with his last visit to South Korea. In China, President Obama and 
President Hu Jintao agreed to strengthen their strategic 
relationship and cooperate on global issues. 
 
It is only proper for the United States to promote cooperative 
relations with China, which has grown to become a great power, 
attaching priority to Asia. However, there is concern that regional 
and global stability will be undermined if the United States and 
China, now called the G-2, only pursue their national interests. 
 
This is because the U.S. side seems to have refrained from getting 
to crucial global issues as the U.S.-China talks proceeded at 
China's pace. The joint statement did not mention the manipulation 
of China's currency, the yuan; violation of intellectual property 
rights; or the suppression of human rights and democratization. The 
same is true for the issue of minorities in Tibet and Uighur. 
 
In connection with environment issues, the two countries, the top 
two carbon-dioxide emitters, failed to come up with emission 
reduction targets. China has opposed setting targets, asserting that 
economic development in developing countries, including China, 
should not be impeded. The United States appears to have tolerated 
this. 
 
What we are concerned about is the fact that President Obama did not 
call on China, which has continued its military buildup, for 
self-control and the transparency of military spending. The joint 
Obama-Hu statement praised a visit to the U.S. (in October) by Xu 
Caihou, vice chairman of the Central Military Commission, and 
advocated strengthening cooperative relations through mutual visits 
by the two leaders and exchanges of officials at all levels. 
 
Prior to President Obama's China visit, the United States came out 
with a new strategy - strategic security - calling for China to 
share responsibility. In line with the new strategy, Obama in his 
speech in Tokyo stated that the United States has no intention of 
containing China. 
 
Behind the Obama administration's new policy are its high 
expectations that China will play a role in carrying out aid 
measures for Afghanistan and Pakistan and antipiracy measures. The 
Chinese side, however, interprets the policy as American approval of 
its military buildup and construction of a blue-water navy. As a 
result, the risk of accelerating an arms race among China, India 
 
TOKYO 00002710  006 OF 014 
 
 
(which has territorial disputes with China), and Southeast Asia will 
heighten. 
 
This is a critical issue for Japan because one can say that the 
United States is shifting its weight to China in order to deal with 
global issues, although it has considered the Japan-U.S. security 
arrangements as the linchpin of its Asia strategy. Japan should 
strengthen the alliance with the U.S. and prevent the G-2 from 
becoming a solo act. There is no time to waver. 
 
(4) Editorial: Assistance to farmers that separates them from the 
world will be futile 
 
NIKKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
November 23, 2009 
 
The Yukio Hatoyama administration has decided to set up a farm 
household compensation system, under which the government will 
directly compensate farmers' incomes. As part of such an effort, the 
government will implement model case projects on a priority basis 
starting in 2010, targeting rice farmers. This is an opportunity 
made possible as a result of the change in government to drastically 
reform agricultural policy. However, the specifics of the system 
must be examined carefully. 
 
Japan's agriculture is in a critical situation. The amount of 
abandoned farmland has reached almost twice the land area of Tokyo. 
Japan's food self-sufficiency rate in calorie terms stands at 
approximately 40 percent, which is markedly low among industrialized 
countries. Agriculture is an important industry that supports 
people's diet. The Hatoyama administration's perception that it is 
imperative to reform agriculture is not wrong. 
 
Isn't the proposal simply an election strategy? 
 
What we do not understand is why the government is rushing to extend 
support to rice farmers alone? According to the Democratic Party of 
Japan's (DPJ) manifesto, the party was supposed to introduce the 
system in fiscal 2011. We do not envisage the implementation of the 
system ahead of schedule as anything else but a political 
calculation with an eye on next year's Upper House election. 
 
The Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF) has 
requested approximately 560 billion yen for the introduction of the 
new system as necessary funds in the fiscal 2010 budget. The system 
could become a pork-barrel policy that strongly resembles an effort 
to curry favor with farmers if the administration moves ahead with 
the system with the Upper House election in mind. 
 
The proposal submitted by Agriculture Minister Hirotaka Akamatsu has 
several serious defects. First, the new system offers no hope of 
generating the effect of structural reform, namely enhancing 
agricultural productivity. 
 
The idea of compensation for farming households itself is correct. 
It is a system in which the government compensates farmers' incomes 
with direct subsidies in the event that sales prices of agricultural 
products are higher their production costs. The World Trade 
Organization's (WTO) international rules approve this system as a 
way to protect farmers while having little impact on global trade. 
 
If the system is implemented along the lines suggested, it would 
 
TOKYO 00002710  007 OF 014 
 
 
serve as a measure to support agriculture with little negative 
impact compared with measures in which imports of agricultural 
products are blocked by high tariffs, thereby leaving the prices of 
domestic products high. The global trend of agricultural policy is 
to support farmers financially instead of artificially lowering 
prices. 
 
The problem is how to apply such a method. MAFF plans to target 
about 1.8 million farm households throughout the nation by 
increasing the number of farmers eligible for the assistance. Under 
this system, not only full-time farm households and large 
agricultural production corporations but also small part-time 
households can receive subsidies. 
 
As such, some part-time farmers will continue to grow rice just for 
subsidies while simultaneously working as salaried workers. They 
would hang onto their inefficient farmland, hampering the 
consolidation of farmland under large-scale farmers in the form of 
leasing. 
 
The second problem is that consumers or taxpayers could bear the 
brunt of the new system. If the new system increases the fiscal 
burden because of income compensation paid to farmers, while food 
prices remain as is, its economic advantage to the people as a whole 
would be minimal. 
 
The new system assumes farmers' participation in production 
adjustments (government-arranged reductions in rice cultivation), as 
a condition for them to receive subsidies. Production adjustments 
are aimed at reducing supplies according to the plan, thereby 
raising the prices of farm products. The government has spent fiscal 
funds on these subsidies totaling approximately 7 trillion yen over 
the past several years. 
 
However, this policy has created harmful effects. Farmers' eagerness 
to produce agricultural goods has declined. Farmland has been 
abandoned. The nation's food self-sufficiency rate has dropped. High 
trade tariffs are now under fire in the international community. 
Japan finds itself in a disadvantageous position in trade 
liberalization talks. The production adjustments were clearly the 
wrong approach. 
 
In the European Union (EU) and the U.S., agricultural policies of 
combining income compensation to farmers and reduced prices of farm 
products have been successful. They have managed to lower the prices 
of farm products and reduce trade tariffs and export subsidies by 
leaving price-setting for the market to work out. 
 
Take a second look at production adjustments 
 
To begin with, production adjustments designed to increase the 
prices of farm products and direct compensation intended to reduce 
such prices are, in principle, contradictory. It appears that the 
system envisaged by the Hatoyama administration is intended to 
combine both by the strong hand. If the system is adopted with 
contradictions left unsolved, it will collapse soon or later. 
 
Given the reality of Japanese agriculture - high production costs 
and lack of international competitiveness in price terms, it is not 
possible to deny the intention of the government to protect farm 
households. However, by segregating domestic agriculture from the 
global market, it will impossible to revitalize Japanese agriculture 
 
TOKYO 00002710  008 OF 014 
 
 
while continuing to protect it. It is necessary to build a new 
system in the direction of creating a future both for global and 
Japanese agriculture. 
 
Deputy Prime Minister and State Minister for National Policy Naoto 
Kan has indicated a policy direction of making this system a target 
of screening for budgetary cuts. Given the critical fiscal 
situation, this is an inevitable decision. The government should 
cautiously discuss ways to narrow down targets eligible for income 
compensation without regarding the area as a sacred cow. 
 
Among the various policy proposals included in the manifesto, the 
idea of income compensation for farm households, in comparison with 
toll-free highways or child allowances, does not sit well with urban 
workers. However, agricultural policy does not concern only those 
involved in agriculture, such as farm households, agricultural 
cooperatives, and the farm policy clique in the Diet. It is a policy 
that concerns the foundation of food safety and security, the cost 
of living of the people as a whole, and economic diplomacy. 
 
As long as the government takes into account the massive fiscal 
burden involved, it should facilitate farmland reform in a manner 
acceptable to both taxpayers and consumers. 
 
(5) Sankei-FNN poll on Hatoyama cabinet, political parties 
 
SANKEI (Page 5) (Full) 
November 24, 2009 
 
Questions & Answers 
 
(Note) Figures are percentages. Figures in parentheses are 
percentages in the previous Sankei-FNN survey, conducted Oct. 
17-18. 
 
Q: Do you support the Hatoyama cabinet? 
 
Yes 62.5 (60.9) 
No 22.9 (20.7) 
Don't know (D/K), etc. 14.6 (18.4) 
 
Q: Which political party do you support? 
 
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ or Minshuto) 39.7 (40.6) 
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP or Jiminto) 17.3 (18.9) 
New Komeito (NK or Komeito) 4.5 (3.6) 
Japanese Communist Party (JCP or Kyosanto) 3.2 (2.7) 
Social Democratic Party (SDP or Shaminto) 3.0 (1.3) 
People's New Party (PNP or Kokumin Shinto) 0.9 (0.5) 
Your Party (YP or Minna no To) 3.8 (2.3) 
New Party Nippon (NPN or Shinto Nippon) 0.2 (0.0) 
Other political parties 0.4 (0.5) 
None 26.5 (28.5) 
D/K, etc. 0.5 (1.1) 
 
Q: Do you have high expectations for the Hatoyama cabinet on the 
following points? 
 
The prime minister's personal character 
Yes 70.0 (71.0) 
No 20.2 (15.6) 
D/K, etc. 9.8 (13.4) 
 
TOKYO 00002710  009 OF 014 
 
 
 
The prime minister's leadership 
Yes 34.7 (41.5) 
No 46.0 (28.5) 
D/K, etc. 19.3 (30.0) 
 
The prime minister's idea of yuai (fraternity) 
Yes 51.9 (-----) 
No 30.8 (-----) 
D/K, etc. 17.3 (-----) 
 
The prime minister's East Asian Community initiative 
Yes 53.0 (-----) 
No 21.1 (-----) 
D/K, etc. 25.9 (-----) 
 
Diet steering 
Yes 41.6 (-----) 
No 37.5 (-----) 
D/K, etc. 20.9 (-----) 
 
Futenma relocation in Okinawa 
Yes 22.8 (-----) 
No 56.0 (-----) 
D/K, etc. 21.2 (-----) 
 
Appointment of a former administrative vice minister as Japan Post 
president 
Yes 25.2 (-----) 
No 60.3 (-----) 
D/K, etc. 14.5 (-----) 
 
The prime minister's political fund problem 
Yes 18.8 (-----) 
No 64.8 (-----) 
D/K, etc. 16.4 (-----) 
 
Policy concerning amakudari (the practice of giving retired 
bureaucrats positions at public corporations or private businesses) 
Yes 48.4 (-----) 
No 40.5 (-----) 
D/K, etc. 11.1 (-----) 
 
Teamwork 
Yes 43.3 (46.8) 
No 44.8 (29.7) 
D/K, etc. 11.9 (23.5) 
 
Q: What would you like the Hatoyama cabinet to pursue on a priority 
basis? 
 
Economic stimulus measures 25.6 
Childcare support, education 14.9 
Social security, including healthcare and pension system 20.4 
Foreign, security policies 2.0 
Cutting wasteful spending 23.6 
Fiscal turnaround 5.1 
Political reform 2.2 
Diet reform 1.4 
Dealing with global warming 3.4 
D/K, etc. 1.4 
 
 
TOKYO 00002710  010 OF 014 
 
 
Q: Who do you think is the Hatoyama cabinet's key person? 
 
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama 18.3 
Deputy Prime Minister & National Strategy Minister Naoto Kan 5.5 
Administrative Reform Minister Yoshito Sengoku 1.4 
Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada 4.4 
Finance Minister Hirohisa Fujii 1.5 
Health, Labor & Welfare Minister Akira Nagatsuma 5.9 
Land, Infrastructure & Transport Minister Seiji Maehara 4.8 
Financial Services & Postal Reform Minister Shizuka Kamei 6.8 
Other cabinet ministers 1.0 
DPJ Secretary Ichiro Ozawa 41.9 
Other ruling party lawmakers 0.2 
LDP President Sadakazu Tanigaki 1.5 
Other opposition party lawmakers 1.4 
D/K, etc. 5.4 
 
Q: What do you think about the Hatoyama cabinet? 
 
The Hatoyama cabinet is meeting the public's expectations from the 
general election 
Yes 60.3 
No 32.5 
D/K, etc. 7.2 
 
The Hatoyama cabinet is exerting its political leadership over 
bureaucrats 
Yes 50.2 
No 40.9 
D/K, etc. 8.9 
 
The Hatoyama cabinet is speedy in getting things done 
Yes 54.0 
No 37.8 
D/K, etc. 8.2 
 
Do you have high expectations for the SDP's voice in the Hatoyama 
cabinet? 
Yes 32.6 
No 60.7 
D/K, etc. 6.7 
 
Do you have high expectations for the PNP's voice in the Hatoyama 
cabinet? 
Yes 21.1 
No 70.6 
D/K, etc. 8.3 
 
Do you have high expectations for DPJ Secretary General Ozawa's 
leadership? 
Yes 38.0 
No 53.8 
D/K, etc. 8.2 
 
Q: Do you think the DPJ should uphold its manifesto without fail? 
 
The DPJ should do so 8.5 (9.0) 
The DPJ should do its best to do so, but it can't be helped if it 
fails to carry out some of the pledges in its manifesto 40.7 (38.8) 
The DPJ should flexibly translate its policies into action without 
being bound to its pledges 50.3 (50.6) 
D/K, etc. 0.5 (1.6) 
 
TOKYO 00002710  011 OF 014 
 
 
 
Q: Do you think the DPJ should translate the following policies into 
action? 
 
Toll-free expressways 
Yes 19.3 (19.5) 
No 77.3 (72.8) 
D/K, etc. 3.4 (7.7) 
 
Abolition of provisional gasoline tax rates 
Yes 54.4 (57.1) 
No 37.5 (29.3) 
D/K, etc. 8.1 (13.6) 
 
Environmental taxation on fossil fuels 
Yes 58.7 (-----) 
No 29.3 (-----) 
D/K, etc. 12.0 (-----) 
 
Raising tobacco tax 
Yes 64.6 (-----) 
No 30.2 (-----) 
D/K, etc. 5.2 (-----) 
 
Issuing deficit-covering bonds to carry out public pledges 
Yes 24.6 (24.5) 
No 66.0 (60.2) 
D/K, etc. 9.4 (15.3) 
 
Suffrage for foreign nationals with permanent resident status 
Yes 53.9 (-----) 
No 34.4 (-----) 
D/K, etc. 11.7 (-----) 
 
Separate surnames for married couples 
Yes 46.1 (-----) 
No 44.2 (-----) 
D/K, etc. 9.7 (-----) 
 
Relocation of the U.S. military's Futenma airfield outside Okinawa 
Prefecture 
Yes 46.2 (45.1) 
No 36.1 (29.1) 
D/K, etc. 17.7 (25.8) 
 
Ban on bureaucrats' replies before the Diet 
Yes 36.0 (39.9) 
No 46.8 (35.7) 
D/K, etc. 17.2 (24.4) 
 
Q: What do you think about the DPJ's child allowance plan in its 
manifesto? 
 
It should be provided across the board as pledged 19.3 
It should be based on income 64.1 
There's no need for it 15.6 
D/K, etc. 1.0 
 
Q: What do you think about the Hatoyama cabinet's budget screening? 
 
The screening panel is helping to ferret out the government's 
wasteful spending 
 
TOKYO 00002710  012 OF 014 
 
 
Yes 88.7 
No 7.6 
D/K, etc. 3.7 
 
Are you interested in then screening panel's open discussions? 
Yes 79.1 
No 15.9 
D/K, etc. 5.0 
 
The screening panel's discussions are appropriate 
Yes 43.2 
No 41.5 
D/K, etc. 15.3 
 
The screening panel's authority and responsibility are unclear 
Yes 67.9 
No 21.9 
D/K, etc. 10.2 
 
Budget screening should be conducted annually 
Yes 85.2 
No 10.0 
D/K, etc. 4.8 
 
Q: Would you like the ruling or opposition parties to win next 
year's election for the House of Councillors? 
 
The DPJ and other ruling parties 64.3 (59.0) 
The LDP and other opposition parties 27.7 (32.9) 
D/K, etc. 8.0 (8.1) 
 
Polling methodology: The survey was conducted Nov. 21-22 by the 
Sankei Shimbun and Fuji News Network (FNN) over the telephone on a 
computer-aided random digit dialing (RDD) basis. For the survey, a 
total of 1,000 persons were sampled from among men and women, aged 
20 and over, across the nation. 
 
(6) Japan, U.S. to ink aviation liberalization accord before end of 
year: First step to competition 
 
ASAHI (Page 7) (Excerpts) 
November 25, 2005 
 
Strong prospects appeared that Japan and the U.S. will sign an open 
skies agreement before year's end. Under this agreement, air 
carriers can set flights routes and the number of flights at their 
discretion. This was announced by Transport Minister Seiji Maehara 
at a press conference on Nov. 24. The spread of open skies 
agreements throughout the world has been urging the aviation 
industry to undergo restructuring. The power distribution of the 
aviation industry will likely undergo a change. The situation could 
influence Japan Airlines' restructuring program as well. 
 
Increase in landing and departure slots at Haneda Airport as 
opportunity 
 
The governments of Japan and the U.S. will hold a working-level 
meeting early next month. They will likely sign an open skies 
agreement at the meeting. 
 
Regarding the flight network between the two countries, the 
governments of both countries set, in principle, flight routes in 
 
TOKYO 00002710  013 OF 014 
 
 
accordance with the Convention on International Civil Aviation, 
usually referred to as the Chicago Convention. Once Japan and the 
U.S. sign the open skies agreement, U.S. anti-monopoly officials 
view that a competitive environment has now been secured. No matter 
how much air carriers of both countries deepen their tie-ups, they 
will most likely obtain antitrust immunity (ATI). Under the open 
skies agreement, air carriers can adjust duplicated flight routes 
and the number of flights with their partner carriers. This would 
certainly enhance their competitiveness. 
 
Japan, on the other hand, is taking a cautious stance toward signing 
such an accord with a senior transport ministry official noting, "If 
Japan and the U.S. sign an open skies agreement, U.S.-led 
competition would become intensive, putting Japan at a 
disadvantage." 
 
Because of the completion of a new runway, the number of landing and 
departure slots at Haneda Airport will increase by 60,000 per year 
and 20,000 per year at Narita Airport. This has created room for the 
interests of Japan and the U.S. to converge. This is not true 
liberalization. However, Japan intends to facilitate easier access 
to the aviation business, by continuing to strengthen capacities at 
those airports. Landing and departure slots allotted to overseas 
carriers' midnight and early morning flights at Haneda is to be 
boosted by 20 per day, starting in October next year. The U.S. is 
eager to obtain additional slots. The Japanese government plans to 
allocate a certain number of landing and departure slots at Haneda 
Airport to the U.S. However, it intends to curb such a number, when 
slots at Narita Airport are increased in March next year. 
 
The government is expected to allow carriers to increase or launch 
flights to and from the U.S. using domestic airports other than 
Narita and Haneda, such as Kansai Airport. 
 
(7) Japanese wife of deceased U.S. soldier trying to immigrate to 
U.S. faces legal hurdle 
 
SANKEI ONLINE (Full) 
08:05, November 25, 2009 
 
Michiya Matsuo in Maryville, Tennessee 
 
A Japanese woman from Okinawa whose U.S. marine husband died in the 
Iraq war shortly after they got married and who wants to immigrate 
to the U.S. to raise their child in accordance with her husband's 
wishes has been refused permanent residence in America based on the 
U.S. immigration law. Her husband's parents and the U.S. forces are 
making every effort to obtain residence rights for her at present, 
but prospects for a solution to this problem remain dim. However, 
this woman is determined and says she will not give up. What makes 
her take up an option that is much more difficult that remaining in 
Japan? 
 
This woman is Hotaru Nakama Ferschke, 26. She met Michael Ferschke, 
who was then a marine stationed in Okinawa in spring 2007 and they 
began to date. 
 
Michael later volunteered to go to Iraq and at the same time, he 
proposed to Hotaru. After Michael left Okinawa, they completed the 
paperwork and got married officially in July 2008 even though they 
were living separately. Shortly after that, Michael was attacked and 
killed while searching a house in the suburbs of Baghdad. He was 
 
TOKYO 00002710  014 OF 014 
 
 
¶22. 
 
Filled with sorrow, Hotaru went to Michael's hometown in Maryville, 
Tennessee for his funeral. She decided then to immigrate to America 
and raise the baby she was pregnant with in the U.S. 
 
"All the people in the community were present to witness the funeral 
from the roadside. I felt that Michael is a hero. I decided that I 
would like to raise my child in the land where everybody pays 
respect to Michael." 
 
For Hotaru, who came from Japan, where the reality of war does not 
feel real, it was a very intense experience. Hotaru gave birth to a 
baby boy, Mikey in Okinawa last January and went to Tennessee in 
February. 
 
She was surprised by the legal hurdle she faced. The U.S. 
immigration law stipulates that for the spouse to obtain permanent 
residence rights, there needs to be actual married life after 
marriage. 
 
Robin, 48, Hotaru's mother-in-law who eagerly wishes for her to 
immigrate to the U.S., says: "It is a matter of course that a 
soldier who has given his life for the country should be given 
utmost respect. Everything is being negated for just one provision 
in the immigration law." The two are lobbying with members of 
Congress to enact a "personal law" on special provisions applying to 
specific individuals and have received a positive response. 
 
Hotaru says that when Mikey grows up, "I would like to tell him your 
father was an awesome man." 
 
Her tourist visa expires in February 2010. 
 
ZUMWALT