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Viewing cable 09TOKYO2629, DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 11/13/09

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Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
09TOKYO2629 2009-11-13 08:31 2011-08-26 00:00 UNCLASSIFIED Embassy Tokyo
VZCZCXRO6947
PP RUEHFK RUEHKSO RUEHNAG RUEHNH
DE RUEHKO #2629/01 3170831
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 130831Z NOV 09
FM AMEMBASSY TOKYO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 7518
INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAWJA/USDOJ WASHDC PRIORITY
RULSDMK/USDOT WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCPDOC/USDOC WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC//J5//
RHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI
RHHMHBA/COMPACFLT PEARL HARBOR HI
RHMFIUU/HQ PACAF HICKAM AFB HI//CC/PA//
RHMFIUU/USFJ //J5/JO21//
RUYNAAC/COMNAVFORJAPAN YOKOSUKA JA
RUAYJAA/CTF 72
RUEHNH/AMCONSUL NAHA 9757
RUEHFK/AMCONSUL FUKUOKA 7402
RUEHOK/AMCONSUL OSAKA KOBE 1221
RUEHNAG/AMCONSUL NAGOYA 4594
RUEHKSO/AMCONSUL SAPPORO 7918
RUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY BEIJING 1831
RUEHUL/AMEMBASSY SEOUL 8498
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 7980
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 13 TOKYO 002629 
 
SIPDIS 
 
DEPT FOR E, P, EB, EAP/J, EAP/P, EAP/PD, PA; 
WHITE HOUSE/NSC/NEC; JUSTICE FOR STU CHEMTOB IN ANTI-TRUST DIVISION; 
TREASURY/OASIA/IMI/JAPAN; DEPT PASS USTR/PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE; 
SECDEF FOR JCS-J-5/JAPAN, 
DASD/ISA/EAPR/JAPAN; DEPT PASS ELECTRONICALLY TO USDA 
FAS/ITP FOR SCHROETER; PACOM HONOLULU FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ADVISOR; 
CINCPAC FLT/PA/ COMNAVFORJAPAN/PA. 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: OIIP KMDR KPAO PGOV PINR ECON ELAB JA
 
SUBJECT:  DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS 11/13/09 
 
INDEX: 
 
(1) Japanese, U.S. leaders to hold meeting tonight (Sankei) 
 
(2) U.S. presidential visit serves as indicator to gauge degree of 
importance U.S. attaches to Japan (Mainichi) 
 
(3) What could happen after Obama's visit to Japan (Sankei) 
 
(4) Discord in Japan-U.S. relationship (Part 1): Different views on 
"equal alliance"; inadequate channels of communication (Yomiuri) 
 
(5) Discord in Japan-U.S. relationship (Part 2): Increasing concerns 
among neighboring countries; perception gap on cost of security 
(Yomiuri) 
 
(6) Editorial: U.S. President Obama's visit to Japan - Situation of 
uncertainty must be corrected (Sankei) 
 
(7) Editorial: Afghan assistance; Japan should make bold efforts to 
do whatever it can (Asahi) 
 
(8) LDP coordinating Futenma relocation outside Okinawa (Okinawa 
Times) 
 
(9) Nago mayor to welcome alternative plan for Futenma relocation 
(Okinawa Times) 
 
ARTICLES: 
 
(1) Japanese, U.S. leaders to hold meeting tonight 
 
YOMIURI (Page 1) (Full) 
Evening, November 13, 2009 
 
U.S. President Barack Obama will arrive in Japan this afternoon - 
the first leg of his first tour of Asia since taking office. He will 
meet with Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama at the Prime Minister's 
Official Resident tonight. The two leaders will later hold a joint 
press conference. They are expected to reaffirm the need for Japan 
and the U.S. to strengthen cooperation on assistance for 
Afghanistan, nuclear arms reduction, global warming and other global 
issues. 
 
High on the agenda in the summit meeting will be: (1) Japan-U.S. 
relations; (2) Japan-U.S. cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region; 
and (3) Japan-U.S. cooperation on global issues. They are also 
expected to issue joint statements on a nuclear-free world, the 
global environment, and on economic exchanges. Regarding global 
warming countermeasures, Japan and the U.S. will include in the 
statement their target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 80 
PERCENT  by 2050 and their cooperation in developing energy 
technologies related to environmental protection. The two countries 
will not bring up the thorny issue of relocating the U.S. Military 
Corps' Futenma Air Station in the summit meeting, but Defense 
Minister Toshimi Kitazawa stated in a press conference after a 
cabinet meeting this morning: "I expect the two leaders will confirm 
the need to bring about an early settlement." 
 
(2) U.S. presidential visit serves as indicator to gauge degree of 
importance U.S. attaches to Japan 
 
 
TOKYO 00002629  002 OF 013 
 
 
MAINICHI (Page 3) (Full) 
November 13, 2009 
 
Question: President Barak Obama will visit Japan. What does a U.S. 
presidential visit to Japan mean? 
 
Reporter: I think the significance of a visit to Japan by an 
incumbent U.S. president has gradually changed with the times. In 
November 1974, almost 30 years after World War II, President Gerald 
Ford made the first U.S. presidential visit to Japan. This 
presidential visit had a significant symbolic meaning. 
 
This is because a visit to Japan by President Dwight Eisenhower was 
planned in 1960, but the plan was cancelled immediately before the 
presidential visit because demonstrations to protest the revision of 
the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty were intensifying in Japan. As a 
result, there was a long period of "one-way" visits in which 
Japanese prime ministers went to Washington. Japanese people 
sarcastically called the series of visits by prime ministers 
"sankinkoutai," a practice which obligated lords to live in Edo and 
each of their own feudal domains for a year during the Edo period. 
It was believed that President Ford's Japan visit was the first step 
to building a relationship of equality between Japan and the United 
States. 
 
Question: How about after 1974? 
 
Answer: Including the visit this time around by President Obama, the 
number of U.S. presidential Japan visits totals 17. On average, a 
U.S. presidential visit has taken place once every two years, 
signifying that the "one-way" relationship is definitely over. 
 
In the 1990s, comparisons between U.S. presidential visits to Japan 
and to China, including the lengths of the president's stay in the 
two countries, started to become a topic of our conversation. For 
example, when President Clinton visited China in June 1998, he 
stayed there for nine days. However, he did not even stop in Tokyo 
on his way back to the United States. He visited Japan in November 
of that year, but only stayed in Tokyo for two days. The U.S.'s 
stance of placing priority on China was called "Japan-passing." Some 
people view a U.S. presidential visit as an indicator to gauge which 
countries the United States places the most emphasis. 
 
Question: What did former U.S. presidents do during their Japan 
visits? 
 
Answer: In a meeting between a prime minister and a president, 
discussion on security and economic issues and challenges for 
bilateral cooperation is essential. In addition to a courtesy call 
on the Emperor and speeches at the Diet and universities, many 
former presidents had opportunities to enjoy Japanese traditional 
culture and communicate with the Japanese people. 
 
When President Clinton visited Japan for the first time to attend 
the G-7 Summit in 1993, he watched an amateur baseball game at 
Jingugaien where he stopped briefly while taking a walk. The players 
were really surprised. President George Bush, who visited Japan in 
February 2003, went to see yabusame (a type of Japanese archery). He 
also went to a Japanese pub with Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. 
One U.S. president came to Japan to attend the Emperor Showa's 
funeral while another one visited Tokyo to attend Prime Minister 
Keizo Obuchi's funeral. 
 
TOKYO 00002629  003 OF 013 
 
 
 
(3) What could happen after Obama's visit to Japan 
 
SANKEI (Page 7) (Abridged slightly) 
November 12, 2009 
 
Kunihiko Miyake, visiting professor at Ritsumeikan University and 
research director of the Canon Institute for Global Studies 
 
President Barack Obama will finally arrive in Japan on Nov. 13 for 
the first time since taking office. A "game of chicken" between 
Japan and the United States over Futenma Air Station is likely to be 
averted, at least for the time being. Everyone is hoping that 
nothing will go wrong during the visit, and everyone concerned will 
be holding their breath for the next two days. The "importance of 
the bilateral alliance" and the "success of the presidential visit" 
will be emphasized on the surface. But in my view the upcoming 
presidential visit reveals a larger gap between rhetoric and reality 
than I've seen for a long time. (The upcoming Japan-U.S. summit 
meeting) is likely to focus on such issues as global warming and 
support for Afghanistan, putting aside the realignment of U.S. 
forces in Japan for the time being. It seems as if preventing the 
President's Japan visit from ending in failure has become a goal in 
and of itself. 
 
Will the issue be settled after Obama's Japan visit ends safely? 
This is unlikely. After the APEC summit, President Obama will 
officially visit China and South Korea starting on Nov. 15. The 
While House will probably conduct a careful review of the 
President's East Asia tour after he returns home. 
 
The upcoming tour will be a rare opportunity for President Obama, 
who has been preoccupied with domestic affairs and the Afghan issue, 
to consider how the United States should deal with Asia. China and 
South Korea are certain to give President Obama hospitable 
receptions in a bid to give the impression that they are important 
countries. 
 
President Hu Jintao, who already began his visit to Malaysia and 
Singapore on Nov. 10, has started working on Southeast Asian 
countries. China has been making thorough preparations for the 
upcoming U.S.-China summit in Beijing. 
 
What about Japan? The recent summit talks with Mekong countries went 
over very well. But I hear that during a visit to Japan by U.S. 
Defense Secretary Robert Gates, China and North Korea were hardly 
discussed, with the Okinawa issue taking the center stage. If these 
issues of strategic importance have not been discussed fully between 
the cabinet ministers of Japan and the United States prior to the 
presidential visit, it will cause serious problems. 
 
The biggest reason is that the Hatoyama cabinet is still in an 
election mode rather than in a governing mode. The desire to win 
next year's House of Councillors election to stabilize the 
administration is understandable. But if foreign affairs are 
neglected as a result of giving high priority to domestic affairs, 
national interests will be undermined in the end. 
 
Although the focus of the Futenma issue has already shifted to 
whether it can be settled by the end of the year, the prospects are 
nil. If (the cabinet) cannot decide on a matter now, can it make a 
decision in several months' time? If a decision is postponed until 
 
TOKYO 00002629  004 OF 013 
 
 
next year, (the cabinet) might be tempted to delay its decision once 
again on the grounds of internal circumstances at the time. If Japan 
repeats such a thing even after next year's Upper House election, 
"distrust in Japan" might result in a "review of Japan's role." If 
Japan becomes undependable as an ally, the United States will have 
to directly make deals with China and other countries. "Japan 
passing" -- a trauma that has been around since (then National 
Security Advisor) Henry Kissinger's visit to China (in 1971) -- 
might become a reality. 
 
Even if Obama's Japan visit turns out to be a "resounding success," 
Japan-U.S. security relations that are already damaged will not be 
restored easily. I do not mean to cry wolf, but the Hatoyama 
administration should be prepared to start from scratch on its 
policy toward the United States after Obama's visit. 
 
I do not know who is putting ideas into the head of Prime Minister 
Hatoyama, but no matter how you look at it, the Democratic Party of 
Japan's foreign policy is void of a strategic viewpoint. Japan's 
foreign policy of avoiding making decisions by attaching too much 
importance to domestic affairs will sooner or later hit a dead end. 
Advocating an "equal Japan-U.S. relationship," the Hatoyama 
administration's desire to avoid making a decision on the Futenma 
relocation issue in the form of yielding to U.S. pressure is 
understandable to some extent. Nevertheless, the longer a decision 
is delayed, the more momentum the image of giving in to foreign 
pressure will gain. I hope to see Prime Minister Hatoyama make an 
independent decision soon after Obama's visit, demonstrating 
political courage. 
 
(4) Discord in Japan-U.S. relationship (Part 1): Different views on 
"equal alliance"; inadequate channels of communication 
 
YOMIURI (Pages 1, 4) (Full) 
November 12, 2009 
 
Yoshikazu Shirakawa, Shinichi Murao, Chikara Shima, and Satoshi 
Ogawa (Washington) 
 
U.S. President Barack Obama will make his first visit to Japan 
tomorrow, Nov. 13. Tokyo will be the first place the President 
visits on his 8-day tour of Asia, but the Japan-U.S. alliance is in 
flux at present. This is because the two countries do not have a 
common understanding of the "equal Japan-U.S. relationship" 
advocated by the Hatoyama administration. 
 
Right now, the relocation of the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station in 
Okinawa has become what amounts to the top pending issue between 
Japan and the United States. The two governments decided to create a 
new cabinet-level working group on Nov. 10. This is the first 
concrete step agreed upon by the Hatoyama and Obama administrations 
to resolve the problem. 
 
This proposal came from U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Kurt 
Campbell. It upholds the U.S. position that "the current plan is the 
only option" while creating a venue for dialogue, and was a result 
of the U.S. side's compromise in a attempt to come to a common 
understanding with the Hatoyama administration on the notion of 
"equality" that it advocates. 
 
The two governments agreed in 2006 to move the Futenma base from its 
current location in Ginowan City, Okinawa, to Nago City in northern 
 
TOKYO 00002629  005 OF 013 
 
 
Okinawa and to complete the relocation by 2014. However, the 
position of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and Foreign Minister 
Katsuya Okada is that this agreement has practically been "annulled" 
with the change of administration. The U.S. side, which, according 
to a State Department source, had thought "it is impossible for an 
agreement between allies to be overturned; Japan is probably looking 
for a middle ground," finally realized the seriousness of the 
situation in mid-October, less than one month before the President's 
visit. 
 
The Japanese side had also misunderstood the U.S. side's basic 
thinking. Hatoyama had reckoned that Afghan aid measures to replace 
the refueling mission by the Maritime Self-Defense Force in the 
Indian Ocean, which will be withdrawn in January, "are a much more 
important issue for the President (than Futenma relocation)." It was 
thought that presenting Afghan aid measures would allow postponing a 
solution to the Futenma issue. 
 
However, it goes without saying that the U.S. believes, according to 
a senior Ministry of Foreign Affairs official, that "the Japan-U.S. 
alliance is founded on the stable use of U.S. military bases in 
Japan." That is the main reason why the alliance continued for 50 
years after the revision of the Japan-U.S. security treaty. 
International contribution by the Self-Defense Forces started after 
the end of the Cold War. There are also various constraints on this 
contribution, such as restrictions on the use of weapons, which 
makes it possible for other countries to fill in for Japan where 
necessary. However, it is geopolitically difficult to find a 
replacement for U.S. military bases in Japan. 
 
A former senior U.S. Defense Department official said: "We do not 
think a downgrading of Japan's capability and share of the cost 
constitutes 'equality'." He added: "The image of an equal alliance 
should be considered in terms of the balance between the 
responsibilities and the benefits as an ally." 
 
Hatoyama explained at the House of Representatives Budget Committee 
on Nov. 2 that "equality" means asserting Japan's position. He said: 
"I have long talked about (Japan and the U.S.) becoming equal 
partners. It is a relationship in which Japan will convey its 
opinion firmly to the U.S, even if its thinking is different from 
the U.S.'s, in the process of reaching a conclusion." 
 
How can the perception gap be narrowed from now on? Will the 
President's first visit to Japan be an occasion for both sides to 
seek ways to close the gap? 
 
During a one-hour meeting with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in 
Singapore on Nov. 11, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada suddenly 
started to talk about history. 
 
"During the Second World War, although 12,000 U.S. soldiers were 
killed in Okinawa, some 100,000 civilians also died. That is the 
reason why the people of Okinawa have different thoughts about the 
Japanese government." 
 
This was meant to explain the background to Hatoyama's statement on 
"giving full consideration to the Okinawan people's feelings" on the 
question of relocating the U.S. forces' Futenma Air Station within 
the prefecture to Nago City, but there was no reaction from 
Secretary Clinton. A government source explained: "How can the U.S. 
side respond? They think that after more than 10 years the 
 
TOKYO 00002629  006 OF 013 
 
 
relocation plan has won wide-spread acceptance among local people, 
and Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell, who works for Mrs. Clinton, 
was at the center (of the relocation plan)." 
 
Campbell has been deeply involved with the Futenma issue as deputy 
assistant secretary of defense since the Hashimoto and Clinton 
administrations agreed on the return of the Futenma base in 1996. In 
a recent book, Campbell reveals that at the time of the turnover to 
the Republican Bush administration in 2001, he "was very worried if 
this extremely complicated Futenma issue could be smoothly handed 
over to the next administration." 
 
A senior Okinawa Prefectural Government official criticizes Hatoyama 
as "irresponsible." He says: "No one likes military bases. It is 
cruel to make the Nago citizens decide. They have accepted (the 
relocation plan) reluctantly despite such sentiments." This was in 
reaction to Hatoyama's statement that he will decide on the 
relocation issue after looking at the outcome of the Nago mayoral 
election in January. A factor behind Okinawa's discontent is that 
there are no effective channels of communication between the 
Hatoyama administration and Okinawa. 
 
Likewise, the channels of communication between Japan and the U.S. 
are inadequate. It was only on Nov. 10 that a formal decision was 
made on creating a venue for finding a solution on the Futenma 
issue. 
 
When Campbell met Okada at MOFA on Nov. 5, the Japanese participants 
could not believe their ears when Campbell suggested "creating a 
high-level venue for exchange of views by a few participants." 
Campbell had proposed creating a venue of dialogue on the Futenma 
issue, on which the U.S. side had insisted strongly that the current 
plan is the only option. 
 
Okada responded immediately with: "Let's do it at the cabinet 
level." 
 
For the Hatoyama administration, which upholds political leadership, 
the proposal for direct consultations at a "high level," and not by 
bureaucrats, was a timely offer. It was decided at the meeting that 
a panel with Okada, Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa, Clinton, and 
Defense Secretary Robert Gates as official members will be announced 
before the President's visit. 
 
During Gates's visit to Japan on Oct. 20, the U.S. side had just 
pressed Japan to implement the existing relocation plan, Gates 
turning red in the face as he made this demand. Campbell's proposal 
meant that the U.S. side had shifted from its strategy of applying 
pressure with just two weeks before the Obama visit. 
 
The U.S. side, which had been groping in the dark, also made some 
gains with this proposal for a new forum. 
 
The two governments also agreed to "resolve the issues relating to 
this problem speedily." A senior MOFA official observes that, "At 
least the Prime Minister's policy to take time to consider this 
problem has been retracted. This is significant." 
 
Solid channels of communication have not been built between the 
Hatoyama administration, which works under the slogans of "political 
leadership" and "equal Japan-U.S. relationship," and the Obama 
administration. For now, bureaucrats on both sides act as 
 
TOKYO 00002629  007 OF 013 
 
 
intermediaries. Channels of communication with Okinawa have also yet 
to be established. 
 
(Part one of two-part series) 
 
(5) Discord in Japan-U.S. relationship (Part 2): Increasing concerns 
among neighboring countries; perception gap on cost of security 
 
YOMIURI (Pages 1, 4) (Full) 
November 13, 2009 
 
Yoshikazu Shirakawa, Shinichi Murao, Chikara Shima, and Satoshi 
Ogawa (Washington) 
 
The morning of Nov. 9 was exceptionally warm for this time of the 
year. The Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) escort ship "Ikazuchi" 
set sail from Yokosuka base for refueling operations in the Indian 
Ocean. Since the new special anti-terrorism measures law, the legal 
authorization for the refueling mission, is expiring in January, 
this will, in effect, be the last ship to participate in the 
mission. Reflecting the Hatoyama's negative stance on the refueling 
mission, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and Defense Minister Toshimi 
Kitazawa were not among those to see off the MSDF vessel. 
 
Refueling operations for ships of the United States and other 
countries started as a measure to support the war against terrorism 
after the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the U.S. in 2001. Except for a 
short interruption due to the opposition of the Democratic Party of 
Japan (DPJ), the mission has continued for approximately eight 
years. This mission has been rated highly internationally as Japan's 
"manpower contribution," and the UN Security Council for three 
consecutive years has adopted in October a resolution expressing 
"appreciation". 
 
However, the DPJ, since its days in the opposition, has opposed this 
mission, claiming that it does not contribute to aid for 
Afghanistan. Hatoyama announced officially at the House of 
Councillors Budget Committee on Nov. 10 that the refueling mission 
will not be extended. 
 
The Obama administration says it "understands Japan's decision." 
However, at the U.S. Congress, even House of Representatives Speaker 
Nancy Pelosi, a liberal opposed to sending additional troops to 
Afghanistan, expressed displeasure at a news conference: "It is 
regrettable because U.S. military involvement continues." This 
reflected the mixed feelings about Japan. 
 
The fact that Japan and the U.S. have suddenly begun to operate on 
different wavelengths less than two months after the inauguration of 
the new administration in Japan has also created a stir in other 
countries. 
 
During his meeting with a mid-ranking official of the DPJ in late 
October, Australian Ambassador to Japan Murray McLean asked: "Is 
everything okay? Tell me if there is anything I can do to help." He 
expounded on the indispensability of a good Japan-U.S. relationship 
for stability in Asia and the Pacific and conveyed the concerns of 
Australia as a U.S. ally like Japan about the present situation. 
 
South Korea, which is always sensitive about the activities of the 
Self-Defense Forces (SDF), has also shown interest. The Oct. 24 
issue of Chosun Ilbo carried a report praising the Japan-U.S. 
 
TOKYO 00002629  008 OF 013 
 
 
alliance: "The U.S. and the Liberal Democratic Party administration 
agreed on the U.S. Forces Japan (USFJ) realignment plans in 
consideration of deterrence against China's expanding military power 
and North Korea's missiles." It also notes that the U.S. military 
bases in Okinawa "play the role of protecting South Korea," 
conveying concerns about the impact on security on the Korean 
peninsula. 
 
Even China, which is suspicious of the Japan-U.S. alliance, pays 
great attention to the Hatoyama administration, which seeks to build 
an "equal Japan-U.S. relationship." What is noteworthy in the tone 
of Chinese media is that rather than hoping for "estrangement 
between Japan and the U.S.," they are voicing a new concern: 
"According to the international affairs newspaper Huanqiu Shibao, 
"If the distance between Japan and the U.S. grows, this may lead to 
a major shift toward Japan's development and reinforcement of its 
own military capability. This is a situation that China would not 
like to see." 
 
If the Japan-U.S. alliance goes wobbly, this will have an immense 
impact on East Asia. All eyes, both in Japan and overseas, are on 
the meeting between Prime Minister Hatoyama and President Obama on 
Nov. 13. 
 
At the Defense Ministry's policy panel meeting held at the Diet on 
the morning of Nov. 12 and attended by some 120 DPJ and other ruling 
party Diet members and secretaries, many questioned the government's 
process of screening FY2010 budget requests to identify wasteful 
spending. 
 
They objected to including the SDF's spending for equipment and 
labor costs under Japan's share of the USFJ expenditures (the 
so-called omoiyari yosan, or sympathy budget) in the items to be 
screened, voicing the following opinions: 
 
"If spending for defense capability buildup is cut only on the basis 
of efficiency, it will be impossible to maintain the baseline 
capability" and "Labor costs of base employees working for the USFJ 
are not suitable for screening." Parliamentary Secretary for Defense 
Akihisa Nagashima agreed: "The Defense Ministry's budget allocations 
include many items that cannot be discussed within one hour. The top 
political officials of the ministry recognize this." 
 
Many ruling party officials have also questioned the Hatoyama 
administration's "sense of the cost of security." This is also a 
factor contributing to the discord between Japan and the U.S. 
 
The best example is the relocation of the U.S. Forces' Futenma Air 
Station. Okada is strongly suspicious of the plan to relocate the 
Futenma base to the coastal area of Camp Schwab. 
 
Okada has reportedly told his aides that one major reason for his 
opposition to the current plan is that "the construction cost of the 
replacement facility estimated at approximately 400 billion is too 
much for a public work project. If Futenma is merged with the Kadena 
Air Base, which the USFJ already uses, the cost can be cut 
considerably." His perception is that the relocation cost is too 
enormous as a public works project at a time when the whole 
government is making vigorous efforts to cut fiscal spending. A 
government official laments the lack of recognition that "the 
Futenma issue is different from road construction." 
 
 
TOKYO 00002629  009 OF 013 
 
 
The confusion over the Futenma issue may come to affect Japan-U.S. 
defense cooperation in the future. 
 
Commanders of the USFJ and the SDF talk face to face or hold video 
conferences using state-of-the-art communications systems at the 
Bilateral Joint Operations Coordination Center (known as the BJOCC) 
at the USFJ's Yokota base in Tokyo to maintain close communication. 
This was another major item included in the bilateral agreement of 
May 2006 setting the roadmap for Futenma relocation. 
 
The BJOCC has not only been utilized during joint military 
exercises; it facilitated effective exchange of information between 
the two sides during North Korea's nuclear test and missile launches 
this spring. In other words, it is the "latest symbol of Japan-U.S. 
defense cooperation," according to a senior Defense Ministry 
official. 
 
On Nov. 9, U.S. Navy Commander Ted Getschman, one of the commanding 
officers at the BJOCC, stressed to Yomiuri Shimbun the importance of 
the BJOCC: "Thanks to the BJOCC, we are now able to understand each 
other's requests and responses more quickly and accurately. We have 
shown the world that we are a strong alliance and team." 
 
Japan and the U.S. are slated to build further joint operational 
functions for missile defense and other projects based on the road 
map. However, this may be affected if there is a setback in Futenma 
relocation. 
 
Prime Minister Hatoyama and President Obama are expected to agree on 
Nov. 13 to reengineer the future of the bilateral alliance and begin 
discussions to deepen this alliance before the 50th anniversary of 
the revision of the Japan-U.S. security treaty next year. 
 
The discussions will focus on space development, cyber security, 
climate change, and other new security issues facing the countries 
of the world in the 21st Century. However, a senior Pentagon 
official says: "We should first sort out the base issues, which bear 
on the foundation of the alliance." If the East Asian situation 
becomes unstable, Japan will not be able to shoulder the full cost. 
The summit meeting on Nov. 13 will be significant not only to Japan 
and the United States, but also to the Asia-Pacific region. 
 
(Part 2 of two-part series) 
 
(6) Editorial: U.S. President Obama's visit to Japan - Situation of 
uncertainty must be corrected 
 
SANKEI (Page 2) (Full) 
November 13, 2009 
 
U.S. President Barack Obama will arrive in Japan and hold a meeting 
with Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama today. 
 
The initial schedule was changed on short notice, and the President 
will stay in Japan only for one night. But we should welcome Obama's 
decision to visit Japan on the first leg of his first tour of Asia 
as president. This decision probably reflects his stance of placing 
emphasis on the Japan-U.S. alliance by defining it as "a cornerstone 
of his policy toward the Asia-Pacific region." 
 
Nonetheless, his first visit to Japan is unlikely to produce results 
for the bilateral alliance. It is a worrying situation. Regarding 
 
TOKYO 00002629  010 OF 013 
 
 
the key pending issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma 
Air Station in Ginowan City, Okinawa Prefecture, a conclusion will 
be put off due to the prime minister's "indecisiveness." The 
government has decided to end the ongoing Maritime Self-Defense 
Force's refueling mission in the Indian Ocean. In addition, the 
government's new package of assistance measures for Afghanistan and 
Pakistan in the public welfare area is also likely to exclude 
manpower contributions in effect. 
 
Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada held a meeting with Secretary of 
State Hillary Clinton in Singapore on Nov. 11. They agreed to make 
efforts to resolve the Futenma issue as quickly as possible, but 
Clinton urged Okada for Japan's swift decision, saying: "It would be 
undesirable for the current situation of uncertainty to continue." 
 
Clinton made this severe remark bearing in mind the fact that the 
Hatoyama administration's straying off course over the Futenma issue 
has made even U.S. military and Congress members, in addition to 
Obama administration officials, distrustful of Japan-U.S. relations 
as a whole. 
 
Both sides have decided to refrain from delving too deeply into the 
Futenma issue during the summit meeting this evening, based on 
diplomatic considerations, and to underscore mutual agreement on 
such themes as aid for Afghanistan, global warming, and nuclear 
nonproliferation. But Japan has yet to decide on a deadline and 
direction for resolving the issue through a new ministerial-level 
Japan-U.S. panel. 
 
The current plan agreed on between Japan and the U.S. three years 
ago is the most realistic solution. Under this plan, the base burden 
on the people in Okinawa will be reduced, and the deterrence of the 
alliance will be retained. China and North Korea must be paying 
close attention to this relocation plan. In order also to avoid the 
alliance from losing its substance, Hatoyama should make a decision 
as quickly as possible. 
 
President Obama is scheduled to deliver a speech on U.S. policy 
toward Asia. Although the President attaches great importance to the 
speech in the tour of Asia, Hatoyama reportedly cannot attend this 
event for scheduling reasons. The might reflecti the actual state of 
Japan-U.S. relations, and it is extremely regrettable. 
 
Hatoyama has said that he will propose that the two countries 
comprehensively review their alliance, ahead of the 50th anniversary 
of the revision of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty next year. 
However, even if the two countries eagerly discuss an abstract 
vision for the future, it will be as unstable as a house of cards if 
they fail to solidify the foundation of the alliance. Prime Minister 
Hatoyama should change his perception about how the bilateral 
alliance should be management because it will affect the foundation 
of Japan-U.S. relations. 
 
(7) Editorial: Afghan assistance; Japan should make bold efforts to 
do whatever it can 
 
ASAHI (Page 3) (Full) 
November 13, 2009 
 
The Hatoyama administration has released its new Afghanistan 
assistance measures. It has decided to disburse up to 5 billion 
dollars or approximately 450 billion yen over the next five years to 
 
TOKYO 00002629  011 OF 013 
 
 
provide vocational training to former soldiers of the 
anti-government Taliban militants and assistance to police 
activities. 
 
The security situation in Afghanistan is continuing to deteriorate. 
The U.S. is mulling dispatching more soldiers. However, it will be 
difficult to turn the situation around with military force alone. As 
such, the Obama administration and various European countries are 
pinning high hopes on Japan's assistance in the livelihood-related 
sector bringing about the rebuilding of the nation. 
 
Under the present circumstances, it will be difficult for Japan 
carry out a full-fledged dispatch of personnel. The government's 
decision to allocate substantial funds to its civilian assistance 
measures makes sense. 
 
During the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)-New Komeito 
administration, the government continued refueling the vessels of 
multinational forces by dispatching Maritime Self-Defense Force 
troops to the Indian Ocean. The Hatoyama administration intends to 
terminate the mission in January next year. This is in accordance 
with (the Democratic Party of Japan's) campaign pledge. Given the 
fact that the demand for refueling is declining recently, this 
measure is acceptable. 
 
Some criticize this decision by the government, calling it 
check-book diplomacy. Their logic is that since the refueling 
mission is a contribution to the war on terror and has been highly 
praised by the U.S., it makes no sense to withdraw the MSDF troops 
from the Indian Ocean and think that Japan has contributed to the 
international community with financial aid alone. Is their thinking 
founded on the traumatic experiences such as the Gulf War 18 years 
ago for which Japan extended a massive amount of money, and yet was 
not appreciated? 
 
However, this criticism is irrelevant. Japan should think about what 
it can do and what it should do for Afghanistan on its own instead 
of bending to foreign pressure. What Japan can do and should do is 
probably to support the civilian sector as much as possible. 
 
Japan has a track record of supporting the livelihood-related sector 
in Afghanistan. It provided water and instructions on growing rice 
in major cities before the USSR invaded the nation. This experience 
has been passed on to projects carried out by the Japan 
International Cooperation Agency (JICA). 
 
Japan's assistance for Afghanistan based on a long-term perspective 
will result in eradicating the breeding ground for terrorists. It 
also signifies indirect support for the U.S., which is dispatching 
troops to that nation. This is probably the background behind the 
U.S. press secretary immediately issuing a statement welcoming 
Japan's decision. 
 
The financial aid of 5 billion dollars has not been decided on the 
basis of specific projects to be undertaken. It cannot be denied 
that the total amount was decided upon hastily in order to obtain 
understanding from the U.S. for Japan's termination of its refueling 
operation with President Obama's visit to Japan close at hand. 
 
The government is responsible for mapping out a careful aid program 
and keeping an eye on its implementation so that Japan's money will 
not disappear in the Karzai administration, in which corruption is 
 
TOKYO 00002629  012 OF 013 
 
 
rampant. Since Japan plans to spend so much of the taxpayers' money, 
we expect the government to provide a full account to the Japanese 
taxpayers and communicate Japan's contribution measures to the 
international community. 
 
(8) LDP coordinating Futenma relocation outside Okinawa 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 1) (Abridged) 
November 13, 2009 
 
The Liberal Democratic Party's Okinawa prefectural chapter, now 
looking into the possibility of reviewing the planned relocation of 
the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station to the Henoko area of 
Nago City, has begun moving in earnest to present a resolution to 
the Okinawa Prefectural Assembly calling for the Hatoyama 
administration and the U.S. government to relocate Futenma airfield 
outside Okinawa Prefecture. After the Japan-U.S. summit set for 
later today, the LDP chapter will discuss this policy changeover to 
moving the Futenma base out of the prefecture. The LDP, as soon as 
it decides on its course of action, will call on other parties and 
floor groups in the prefectural assembly about Futenma relocation 
outside the prefecture. The resolution will be moved to the assembly 
during its upcoming November regular session opening on Nov. 26 and 
is highly likely to be adopted at the outset of the session on the 
opening day. This is the first time for the ruling and opposition 
parties to adopt a resolution seeking to move the airfield out of 
the prefecture. This could greatly sway Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu 
Nakaima, who has accepted the Henoko relocation plan while taking 
the position that Futenma airfield's relocation outside the 
prefecture would be the best choice but its relocation within the 
prefecture would be unavoidable. 
 
The policy switchover was revealed by several LDP Okinawa 
prefectural chapter executives. 
 
Some in the LDP's Okinawa chapter insist that if the government does 
not manifest its course of action, the LDP should review the current 
plan to relocate Futenma airfield to Nago City's Henoko area and 
should seek to move it out of Okinawa Prefecture. An executive of 
the LDP chapter says the LDP will determine its own course of action 
after the Japan-U.S. summit and will move in earnest to present a 
resolution seeking to relocate Futenma airfield outside the 
prefecture. 
 
The New Komeito, also a ruling party in the Okinawa Prefectural 
Assembly, is poised to join in to the LDP's move. The ruling and 
opposition parties are expected to discuss the matter in a meeting 
of the prefectural assembly's steering committee on Nov. 20 or on 
other occasions. 
 
Masatoshi Onaga, secretary general of the LDP's Okinawa Prefectural 
Federation, expressed concern about the Futenma issue when he met 
with LDP Policy Research Council Chairman Shigeru Ishiba at LDP 
headquarters on Nov. 11. "If the government's policy is not 
indicated at the summit meeting, the problem will be protracted and 
as a result, the airfield could become a permanent fixture of 
Futenma," Onaga said. "In order to remove the danger of Futenma 
airfield, we will review the Henoko relocation plan and discuss the 
option of relocating Futenma airfield outside Okinawa Prefecture," 
he added. 
 
Ishiba will visit Okinawa Prefecture on Nov. 17 to consult with the 
 
TOKYO 00002629  013 OF 013 
 
 
LDP's local chapter. 
 
(9) Nago mayor to welcome alternative plan for Futenma relocation 
 
OKINAWA TIMES (Page 1) (Full) 
November 13, 2009 
 
The mayor of Nago city in Okinawa Prefecture, the planned relocation 
site of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station, held a press 
conference yesterday at his city's municipal government office, 
during which he urged the central government to clarify its policy 
as soon as possible on the pending issue of relocating Futenma 
airfield. "I will welcome an alternative plan that would remove the 
danger of Futemma field, if it is proposed quickly," Nago Mayor 
Yoshikazu Shimabukuro said. Meanwhile, Shimabukuro also indicated 
that he would uphold his stance of accepting the relocation of 
Futenma airfield to Nago, if the current plan, which is to lay down 
a V-shaped pair of airstrips in a coastal area of Camp Schwab, is 
changed to relocation off the coast of Henoko. "I'm not saying I 
have changed my stance," he said. 
 
"The nation should equally accept the burden of hosting bases," 
Shimabukuro said. "But," he added, "the city made a wrenching 
decision to accept the new facility at the governor's request while 
there is no possibility of dispersed relocation in the country." 
With this explanation, Shimabukuro reiterated that Nago did not try 
to attract the new base. He also said the best choice would be to 
move the Futenma base out of Okinawa Prefecture. 
 
Shimabukuro also explained why he released his comment at this 
point, saying: "U.S. President Obama will visit Japan and the 
Japan-U.S. summit will be held, so I wanted to show Nago city's 
basic way of thinking to the two leaders and I hope the government 
will indicate its policy soon. That's why." In addition, the mayor 
criticized the Hatoyama administration, saying, "It's regrettable 
that the government has yet to clarify its policy on the Futemma 
relocation, just sounding as if to deride local residents who have 
made a wrenching decision." 
 
ROOS